As one who cares about the city --- I thought you might find the two attached articles of interest. I know almost all of you - there is a handful where we haven’t met.
Many of you have been supportive verbally and financially of the Urban Culture Project and the Charlotte Street Foundation - a small grass roots effort to help artists and the central core of the city, for which all involved in the project are grateful. After a year of organization and then another year launching the project, I thought I might pass along some thoughts from the participants - though I certainly do not speak for all.
There has been plenty of major good news for downtown KC of late. The commitment of H&R Block to downtown is huge - in real and psychological terms. And the steady drumbeat of housing announcements is equally important. From the earliest success of the Hall Family Foundation and others in bringing in McCormick Baron to do old and new housing for Quality Hill twenty years ago to the present day downtown housing mini-boom....to the downtown Library...there is plenty to celebrate and congratulate those responsible.
However, we in the arts community and at the grassroots level think there is both an imbalance and a portion of the plans that are misdirected.
In the friendliest tone possible - and with greatest respect for all you and your organizations do to make this a better place - there is an imbalance given the seemingly primary if not sole focus on all the huge projects - from the arenas to the performing arts center to the "entertainment district" to enlarging the convention center to... And there is misdirection in that we believe plans for an "Entertainment District" are the wrong means to the end.
These two articles below perhaps can best be summed up as ---- "Coffee shops are as important - if not more important - than convention centers. Then we need real coffee shops, not brand new ones in made-up environments."
I hope you will take a moment to read and give some consideration to what is being said. There is a huge disconnect in this town because essentially everyone I know at a grass roots level believes in the premises and ideas in these articles --- and I would say the civic leadership is acting on a program in the opposite direction.
Brief quotes from USA Today (dated 10/10/03) entitled "Mid-size Cities get Hip to Attract Young Professionals; behind the Art and Music: an Economic Incentive"
"Be hip and they will come" is the motto of a new movement in second-tier cities that have lost their best and brightest to more urbane centers such as San Francisco, New York, Seattle, Atlanta, Washington and Boston. Wooing young people has never been high on cities' economic development agendas. Until now.
Cities spent decades dangling tax breaks and other financial sweeteners to attract big business. They poured billions of dollars into new stadiums, convention centers and aquariums. But their populations continued to shrink and to age. Two-thirds of the 50 largest metropolitan areas had fewer young adults in 2000 than in 1990, according to the Census. These cities now realize that they've done little to appeal to the labor force that will shape their economic future: educated 25- to 34-year-olds.
"They're going to go after young people the way cities went after IBM," says Carol Coletta, host of the public radio show Smart City and a Memphis consultant.
"Chambers of commerce have traditionally focused on older men who make decisions about where businesses will be located," she says. "City governments are focused on homeowners, mom 'n' pop with two kids who have to send their kids to schools. The revelation is this young group."
Cities are suddenly convinced that without them, their brain drain will continue. Employers will flock to hipper cities to attract this young labor force. Even worse, the dynamic businesses that young people create will start elsewhere.
"We built the stadiums. We built the hotels. We built the convention center. We still lost people. And the '90s were a phenomenal decade," says Bruce Katz, director of the Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. "There's an implicit recognition that the big-ticket items didn't quite do the trick."
"Most don't live to work but work to live. They play in bands and sports leagues. They like to go out but not just with people from the office. They're more interested in parks and bike trails than fancy sports arenas."
And from the New York Times dated 12/11/03 "On a Hunt for a way to Put Sex in the City:""
In a 2001 paper, Mr. Florida and Gary Gates, a researcher at the Urban Institute in Washington, found that these geek clusters did not form in a vacuum. The cities with the most high-paying high-tech jobs also had high populations of bohemians, immigrants and gays and lesbians.
Without suggesting that one caused the other, the authors concluded that tolerant, funky, hip, diverse cities were also rich ones. "The losers are the cities that don't let these people organize and be themselves and express their energy," Mr. Florida said in a telephone interview. "A city that allowed a gay community to emerge 10 or 20 years ago, set up its own retail stores and clubs, a city that allowed a music scene to happen, a city that allowed an arts community to emerge — there's something in the ecosystem of that community that allows individuals to get there, to be themselves and to mobilize resources. That of course is the same thing that high-tech entrepreneurs do."
We are lucky that we do have a good music scene, an enviable jazz history, a thriving arts community, an energetic gay community, etc - that have been sustained over the years. So we have a great base...which Florida has documented.
In term or the imbalance between large and small development downtown, we are a broken record on this ---- but we hear almost NO mention of any fostering and encouraging of this smaller side of the development equation from the leadership. And what we do hear is minimal --- and then no action or support mechanisms. What we do hear is trickle down - the performing arts center, arenas etc will create coffee shops and help street life. Here again we beg to differ. At least based on our past record with large projects.
We hear almost no real dialogue on the merits of any large development (Will there be any discussion beyond boosterism about Kansas City Live?) or destruction of old buildings; if there is dissent, it is written off as fringe elements as opposed to a rational and alternative approach to development. We hear little to no discussion amongst the leadership itself; it is almost as if leadership decides - or enough of the leadership decides - and then just proceeds to sell the decision to the public after listening closely to focus groups to determine what aspects of their decision will sell best. There is no real grassroots input.
Richard Florida has provided the first forums for alternative development that may have gotten a little attention in some local leadership circles.
The longer we wait to change our old thinking and incorporate these newer approaches and ideas, the further behind we will be. Grassroots thinking is ahead of general leadership thinking and more cutting edge. We wish - just once - that this city would lead a trend rather than follow it by decades. Until we listen to grassroots thinking, this will never happen. (Sasaki, for example, though a fine firm, represents decades-old thinking in urban development.)
As mentioned earlier, there have been great accomplishments. Leaders from Jonathan Kemper, John Laney, Phil Kirk (The Library) to Shirley Helzberg (Webster House) and from Margaret Silva (Grand Arts) to DST (the West Side) and all those involved in downtown housing clearly understand the importance of preservation and smaller, organic development, real environments - vs fake entertainment districts - and street life. These are very forward thinking undertakings.
But with the recent announcement of a developer for the "Entertainment District," here we go again in creating a made-up, fake environment with lots of tax incentives - that we don’t believe will work or is called for. How about treating the whole loop area as the entertainment district - weaving bars, clubs, cafes into the EXISTING old structures - creating an interesting urban labyrinth? How many more Union Station, Crown Center, 18th and Vine, 1970s River Market failed attempts at malls are we going to build and then struggle to keep alive? There are reasons that the Plaza, Westport, 39th Street, the West Side, Crossroads and current River Market work and our large retail projects have not worked. 1). They all started small and were nurtured over time. 2). There were multiple developers and small businesses and not just one single developer. Will we never learn?
Large retail projects are just inherently impossibly difficult to do. We can build large projects and then spend the next generation fixing them - if indeed they are fixable and ultimately worth fixing. Or we can start small, bob and weave as times change, and let development happen organically...building the audiences along the way. The former way is high risk and high cost (tax breaks anyone?). The latter way is lower risk, less costly and ultimately more likely to succeed...not to mention more interesting. But there is less perceived action initially and less ego involved; it is more subtle. And there is less hype for the politicians.
Think about it. You hire 1 developer you hope answers your dreams. Up front, city leaders always claim it will be a cool, world-class entertainment destination. Instead, it ends up being a third rate, homogeneous, you-could-be-anywhere kind of place. (Kansas City Live brings you Planet Hollywood! Wow. If Planet Hollywood was ever cool, it was years ago.) We don’t mean to be negative just to be negative - but how many times have we heard this scenario? When has it EVER turned out as promised (see the list above)? The emperor has no clothes.
And no offense - but when you think about it - why would we expect most corporate and city leaders to be good at creating street level activity anyway? They are hopefully good at running their company or city department. Coffee shops are not part of their job description. And they are not exactly plugged into what the twenty-somethings are doing. So the national consultants come in and do essentially the same thing they have executed elsewhere. We lose our uniqueness and any chance of cool.
We are being critical but we hope it is constructive criticism - because we do have ideas to explore that might lead to both a better balance of small and large projects and more successful large projects. We also think our ideas would create some cool, ahead-of the-trend environments and activities...which are partially referenced in the articles below.
In a nutshell, leadership needs to invite young and older members of the local creative community into the planning of these projects and activities - on a real and equal footing.
There are unbelievably talented artistic entrepreneurs - both artists and small business people - in the creative community here who have been making things happen at a retail and street level for years - and very successfully. I have met many of them in the course of starting up the Urban Culture Project recently and over the years in the arts community. They want to help and are dying for more vibrancy in the city. They are excited to be here; their friends from Chicago and London would consider moving here NOT because of the large projects but because of the vibrancy of the grassroots scene here.
A partnership between the business community and the grassroots creative community - it could be revolutionary in creating cool environments and a cool image for the city. And it would be an incredible boost for the arts community. Neither side has all the answers -- but together it could be lethal. But the leadership needs to be honest about past failures and more realistic about its capabilities (the city and business community cannot create anything cool/trendy here - let’s face it)... and more thoughtful about a different process going forward.
Ultimately, artists and CEO/civic leaders are more similar than one would think - if successful, they are both innovators and thoughtful agents of change, though in vastly different environments. Neither is lacking in opinions or ego...and both are passionate about what they are doing. Many civic leaders I know enjoy being with artists - but this has never translated into their involvement in development efforts - that I am aware of. (Though BNIM Architects and el dorado architects have both involved artists in projects, for example.)
Again, this message is meant to be friendly to a group of people who care and have given generously of their time and money. We in the grassroots community would like to challenge your thinking and work with you if you so choose. We’re all in this together. But you need to invite them to the tables.
If you can stand more....and I hope you can, here are the articles. I would be very interested in your reactions. Many thanks for your time and best wishes for the holidays and new year.
David Hughes
Copyright USA Today Information Network Oct 10, 2003
CINCINNATI -- In the staid Bankers Club, young men and women mix it up with powerbrokers over beer, wine and hors d'oeuvres. Establishment luminaries work the room to welcome the twentysomethings to their inner sanctum.
It's the hippest crowd this sedate, wood-paneled room has ever seen. Even the older CEOs are loosening up. There's the head of consumer products giant Procter & Gamble, tieless, playing host. University and chamber presidents, the newspaper publisher, bankers and executives bounce from table to table for informal chats.
What's going on? Why would Cincinnati's powers-that-be court people half their age? For the same reason Pittsburgh, Richmond, Memphis, Tampa, Indianapolis, Baton Rouge, St. Louis, Milwaukee, Tallahassee, Fla., and Fresno, Calif., are launching Web sites, organizing summits, staging arts and music festivals and investing in glitzy promotions: to lure young professionals.
"Be hip and they will come" is the motto of a new movement in second-tier cities that have lost their best and brightest to more urbane centers such as San Francisco, New York, Seattle, Atlanta, Washington and Boston. Wooing young people has never been high on cities' economic development agendas. Until now.
Cities spent decades dangling tax breaks and other financial sweeteners to attract big business. They poured billions of dollars into new stadiums, convention centers and aquariums. But their populations continued to shrink and to age. Two-thirds of the 50 largest metropolitan areas had fewer young adults in 2000 than in 1990, according to the Census. These cities now realize that they've done little to appeal to the labor force that will shape their economic future: educated 25- to 34-year-olds.
"They're going to go after young people the way cities went after IBM," says Carol Coletta, host of the public radio show Smart City and a Memphis consultant.
Coletta co-hosted the Memphis Manifesto, a summit that brought representatives from 40 cities to Tennessee's largest city last spring to cook up youthful strategies.
"Chambers of commerce have traditionally focused on older men who make decisions about where businesses will be located," she says. "City governments are focused on homeowners, mom 'n' pop with two kids who have to send their kids to schools. The revelation is this young group."
Cities are suddenly convinced that without them, their brain drain will continue. Employers will flock to hipper cities to attract this young labor force. Even worse, the dynamic businesses that young people create will start elsewhere.
"Bill Gates is pushing 50," says Joe Cortright, head of Impresa Inc., an economic consulting firm in Portland, Ore. "The next big companies that get started will probably not get started by baby boomers."
Choice demographic shrinks
"We built the stadiums. We built the hotels. We built the convention center. We still lost people. And the '90s were a phenomenal decade," says Bruce Katz, director of the Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. "There's an implicit recognition that the big-ticket items didn't quite do the trick."
In their hunger to find ways to revive their cities, urban leaders are embracing young professionals who have money to spend and time to spend it. Better yet, this generation does not strain public services such as public schools and health care because they're largely childless and healthy. Research shows that these people will play an important role in the economic future of cities because of:
* Demographics. The nation's 78 million baby boomers are aging. The youngest are 39, an age when even boomers begin to settle down and start families. The oldest, who turn 57 this year, are starting to retire.
Filling their slots are just 40 million people ages 25 to 34. Cities are competing for this smaller pool of people who are deciding where to live and work. They are especially going after the 23 million college-educated young, a group 10% smaller than 10 years ago. Less than a quarter of Americans live in nuclear families, and about 25% are single.
* Mobility. Young adults are twice as likely to move to other states as middle-age people. That's why cities are rushing to get them now, before they establish roots somewhere else.
Young professionals have been leaving the cities that are now struggling to attract them. More than 7,200 people born between 1966 and 1975 left Cincinnati's Hamilton County in the 1990s, a 6% loss, according to an analysis of Census data by The Cincinnati Enquirer. Hamilton lost more than any other urban county in the Midwest.
* Knowledge economy. In the technological age, the importance of the educated and creative to the economy is magnified. If they flock to only a handful of cities, other cities risk falling behind.
Richard Florida, author of The Rise of the Creative Class, struck a chord with his theory that thriving cities attract culturally and ethnically diverse people -- artists, gays, people who are physically fit and open-minded and anyone who thinks and creates for a living.
"I didn't invent this," says Florida, professor at the Heinz School of Public Policy and Management at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh. "I've just become a spokesman."
The youth message is getting through in cities where women and younger people have broken through leadership ranks. Young professionals are finding that they can be a big fish in a small pond -- especially now that the old establishment is starting to take them seriously. Examples:
* In Fresno, the heart of California's agricultural Central Valley, the talk is shifting from crops to arts because of Councilman Henry Perea, 26. Perea flew to Memphis and Tampa this year to attend "creative class" summits.
"Fresno has a reputation that I certainly would like to change," he says. "Out of 10 friends in college, I'm the only one who stayed."
In the year since he was elected, the city has passed a public art ordinance and is considering changing zoning to allow artists to live and work in the same buildings.
* In Cincinnati, five of the nine city council members are younger than 40, and four are under 35. Nicholas Spencer, 25 and a native, is running for the council. He's the founder of Cincinnati Tomorrow, a non-profit group that wrote a plan to make the city cooler, including helping black musicians record their work. He wants to repeal a city ban on laws that forbid discrimination based on sexual orientation.
* Tampa was shaken up by new leadership this year. Pam Iorio, 44, was elected mayor. Deanne Roberts, 50, head of a Tampa ad agency, chairs the Greater Tampa Chamber of Commerce -- the second woman to hold the post.
The chamber launched Emerge Tampa to engage young people. The campaign is backed by an unexpected constituency: Mothers whose kids have moved away.
"These are successful women saying, 'I've made it. I'm happy with my career. But for me to have a really full life, I want my kids and grandkids back,' " Roberts says.
The mayor even created a new city position: manager of creative industries. A musician and former journalist, Paul Wilborn, was hired. Among his goals: Make Tampa a film center (The Punisher, starring John Travolta, is being filmed there); and review city regulations that discourage creative businesses from opening.
Don't call them Yuppies. That's too '80s. Too reminiscent of an obsession with upward mobility. They're simply YPs -- "young professionals." They care more about quality of life than the corporate rat race. They're not into climbing the ladder because many of the companies they want to work for don't have much of a ladder. They like start-ups, small consulting firms or research labs. They pick a city they like and then worry about finding a job.
Most don't live to work but work to live. They play in bands and sports leagues. They like to go out but not just with people from the office. They're more interested in parks and bike trails than fancy sports arenas.
They want fun neighborhoods, art galleries, coffeehouses, nightlife and diversity in everything from race and sexual orientation to music and hairstyles. They're more likely to work for a company that offers benefits to same-sex partners, even if they're not gay themselves. In short, they crave cities that are tolerant of all lifestyles.
Florida says participants in his focus groups "blanched at the very idea of a 9-to-5 schedule or a standard dress code."
Shaking off stodginess
Mark Twain is supposed to have said: "When the end of the world comes, I want to be in Cincinnati because it's always 20 years behind the times."
It's a tough reputation to overcome. The pig sculptures that adorn downtown recall Cincinnati's golden era as a pork-processing center. Today, the city is more famous for its three-way chili, sports teams and Procter & Gamble.
Not bad, except for race riots in 2001, the arrest of a museum director for exhibiting photos by artist Robert Mapplethorpe, bigoted comments by former Cincinnati Reds owner Marge Schott and the gambling scandals of baseball hero Pete Rose. "Cincinnati has not defined its image," says lawyer Sean Rhiney, 32. "It let others do it."
YPs such as Rhiney want to be part of the city's makeover. He and Bill Donabedian, 36, who designs content for classes on the Web, play in bands. They hang out at Allyn's, an eclectic Cajun-Mexican food and music joint, to hear local bands.
They know Cincinnati's music is hot, but does anyone else?
They decided to showcase the city's musical heritage by organizing the MidPoint Music Festival last year. About 10,000 people showed up. The chamber of commerce, which recently launched YPCincy, and the city helped fund it this year; 25,000 came.
"Five years ago, the chamber would never have sponsored a music festival," Rhiney says. "It's a sizable leap of faith."
P&G and other businesses have joined the YP movement. Mayor Charlie Luken is making it a priority. Condos and townhouses are being built downtown. Give Back Cincinnati is tapping YP's spirit of volunteerism and has garnered the support of 275 companies. The arts community is reaching out with discounts to people under 30. The Contemporary Arts Center, designed by renowned architect Zaha Hadid, opened this year. Its provocative exhibits appeal more to hipsters than dowagers.
City changed her mind
As a young black woman who grew up in Boston, Najoh Tita-Reid was mortified when P&G offered her a job at its Cincinnati headquarters. She was 25.
"The reputation was that it was conservative, not diverse, not progressive and that if you were single, you'd be single forever," she says. She agreed to try it for two years. She's been here five.
Tita-Reid became a mentor and founded the Cincinnati Partnership to keep YPs of color in Cincinnati. Her fiance moved from New York. His company, which recruits minority teachers, has gone national. They bought a house in a historic neighborhood.
"This generation is not consumed with money and power but quality of life," she says.
Experts caution that efforts to lure YP's will fail if they're too gimmicky. Vibrant neighborhoods like New York's Greenwich Village or San Francisco's North Beach were not marketed. They evolved naturally into bohemian enclaves.
"It's not enough to hold a music festival on the waterfront three times a year," says Brookings' Katz. Cities' long-term survival depend on the basics, he says: "Quality of our educational system, quality of life, tax rates, poverty."
Joff Moine, 30, found quality of life in Cincinnati. He grew up in Columbus, Ohio, went to the University of Cincinnati and lived in Chicago for five years. He came back and founded the Cincinnati Sports Leagues for young professionals.
"We don't live next to the ocean, we don't live next to the mountains, but there is a good homegrown community of people," Moine says.
"I'm in love with the town."
December 11, 2003On a Hunt for Ways to Put Sex in the CityBy JOHN LELAND |
EMPHIS "I want to start stealing those people from the cities of Chicago, St. Louis, Birmingham," he said. His audience was about six dozen members of Mpact Memphis, a group of 900 volunteers in their 20's and 30's who joined in 2001 to try to help Memphis lure people like them. In marketing terms, their mission is to build a brand. This brand-building is part of a new wrinkle in urban development, said Anna McQuiston, 33, a volunteer at Mpact and the marketing director for a local real estate developer. "It's turning the formula around," she said. "You create an attractive place for people to live. Then the corporations will come after them." Memphis, which has just over a million residents and is still scarred from the 1968 assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., is one of several cities that have come to see hip as a bottom line issue. In his 2002 book, "The Rise of the Creative Class," the economist Richard Florida wrote that the healthy cities of the 21st century will be those that can compete not for big companies but for educated, creative young people. This "creative class," he argued, will revitalize downtowns, start new companies, attract other entrepreneurs and build solid tax bases. Mr. Florida, a professor at Carnegie Mellon University, says that Austin, Seattle and Portland are thriving in part because they became hip destinations for young talent — offering not just jobs, but cafes, clubs, tattoo parlors, tolerant gay neighborhoods and bike routes. "If places like Buffalo, Grand Rapids, Memphis and Louisville do not follow suit," he wrote, "they will be hard pressed to survive." Christian Patterson, 31, a photographer, is one of the people cities like Memphis are trying to attract. Last year, he left a $750-a-month studio in Park Slope for a $500 one-bedroom in Memphis and a chance to work with the photographer William Eggleston. In a leatherette booth at the Arcade Restaurant downtown, Mr. Patterson weighed the pros and cons. He said he made friends easily in the local rock scene, and the scenery was great to shoot. But he felt more racial tension and segregation than in Brooklyn. Then he added: "There's a certain greater potential for weirdness here. It's a funky and eclectic town with funky and eclectic characters. There's a certain weird underlying sadness and mystery and heartbreak. You have the history of the civil rights movement here, and Memphis music was the soundtrack to it." During the dot-com boom, theorists predicted that in a wired age, when people could work wherever they wanted, they would scatter away from central cities. The tech guru George Gilder wrote in 1990, "Big cities are leftover baggage from the industrial era." But the opposite has proven true. People and companies have flocked where the rents are highest, not lowest, to be in creative meccas with people like themselves. Where cities were once organized around the availability of coal, steel, transportation or labor, as Joel Kotkin noted in "The New Geography: How the Digital Revolution Is Reshaping the American Landscape" (2000), they now cluster around entrepreneurs, geeks and espresso bars. In a 2001 paper, Mr. Florida and Gary Gates, a researcher at the Urban Institute in Washington, found that these geek clusters did not form in a vacuum. The cities with the most high-paying high-tech jobs also had high populations of bohemians, immigrants and gays and lesbians. Without suggesting that one caused the other, the authors concluded that tolerant, funky, hip, diverse cities were also rich ones. "The losers are the cities that don't let these people organize and be themselves and express their energy," Mr. Florida said in a telephone interview. "A city that allowed a gay community to emerge 10 or 20 years ago, set up its own retail stores and clubs, a city that allowed a music scene to happen, a city that allowed an arts community to emerge — there's something in the ecosystem of that community that allows individuals to get there, to be themselves and to mobilize resources. That of course is the same thing that high-tech entrepreneurs do." Some economists question whether government can have much impact on this mix. Edward Glaeser, a professor of economics at Harvard, agrees with Mr. Florida that cities should court workers rather than companies, but observes that creating a good punk rock scene or Thai takeout restaurants is beyond the city charter. "I have no idea that government can create a cultural scene," he said. "Say you set up a cultural office. You think these guys are going to get it right?" He added that politicians might hesitate to commit resources to amusements for "26-year-olds with advanced degrees" rather than less affluent parts of the population. Even where cultural scenes have attracted skilled workers, Mr. Glaeser said, real economic change can take decades. Yet as cities around the country face budget crises and the flight of manufacturing jobs, this model is appealing. Young, childless musicians or gay couples will risk moving to neighborhoods with subpar school systems, fixer-upper housing stock or a little street crime, Mr. Gates said. In other words, they bring more resources than they consume. Though city officials make headlines with big capital projects, they may benefit more from attracting bright entrepreneurs. About 75 percent of new jobs come from companies with fewer than 500 employees, according to the most recent statistics by the federal Small Business Administration. Mr. Glaeser added that in almost every decade since the 1880's, the level of skills in a city has been the best predictor of economic growth. In the same way that companies during the dot-com boom tried to present their offices as playgrounds, adding slides and masseurs, cities are now getting in on the act. In Michigan, Gov. Jennifer M. Granholm encouraged the mayors of 200 towns to form "cool commissions" to attract and retain the state's young people. In Baltimore, a nonprofit group called Live Baltimore Home Center, partly financed by the city, has gone after young professionals as "low-hanging fruit," as the group's executive director, Tracy Gosson, called them on National Public Radio. The group advertised in a gay newspaper in Washington, pitching one property naughtily as "completely stripped and ready for you to have your way with it." And in Cincinnati, executives at Procter & Gamble, which has its headquarters there, have campaigned to repeal a local law known as Article XII, which prohibits the city from banning discrimination against gays and lesbians. The company maintained that the law was hurting its ability to attract young talent, gay or straight, to Cincinnati. Governing magazine, published by Congressional Quarterly Inc. for state and local government officials, made the campaign the cover story of its October issue, asking, "Is a Gay Population an Engine of Urban Revival?" For Memphis, the impetus was the 2000 census figures and tax data. Though the city's population had grown by nearly 6,000 since 1995, and though its capital investment led the state, its net income had fallen by almost $90 million. "That was alarming," said R. Marc Jordan, president of the Memphis Regional Chamber. "We had to ask, `Is this another way to measure a community's viability?' " City leaders concluded that people were being born, but that recent college graduates, the most mobile members of society, were not choosing to move to Memphis, and that workers moving in earned less than those moving out. Companies like FedEx had trouble recruiting young people or finding qualified candidates in town. Though Memphis had a lower cost of living than places like Austin, New York or Seattle, when companies interviewed job candidates, "people said that it's a dull river city, and that there's a lot of racial tension," said Jim Wallace Jr., head of recruiting at FedEx. Mr. Wallace said that while the city had made great progress on both those problems, the word had not reached many job candidates. "We find that if we can get people to visit the city, our success rate goes up," he said. For Memphis, the climb to hip would be considerable. In Mr. Florida's rankings of the 49 urban areas with more than a million people, Memphis ranked 48th as a tech center, 41st as welcoming to gays and 40th as a mecca for artists, writers and musicians. In March 2001 the city, the chamber of commerce and surrounding Shelby County began a study called the Memphis Talent Magnet Project, with counsel from Mr. Florida, to address the problem. In offices here you can hear people use the phrase "creative class" in conversation. At Empire Coffee on South Main Street downtown, Mr. Florida's book stands at attention on a shelf. For cities as for individuals, though, cool does not come easy. At midday recently, there were zero pedestrians on South Main Street near Tonic, a stylish new fashion boutique run by Katrina Shelton, 35, who moved back to Memphis after studying at the Parsons School of Design in New York. She called herself a pioneer, drawn to a retail space she could not have afforded in SoHo. She lives in a loft nearby. "You've heard of the creative class, Richard Florida?" she asked. "They're recognizing that. No, it hasn't happened yet. I think it's happening." Though the city is helping developers, she said, it is doing less for renters like her. After the Talent Magnet report, Memphis revamped its promotional literature, which had offered sleepy images of riverboats or Elvis, and accelerated tax breaks to developers to convert downtown industrial buildings into loft apartments. These supplement more conventional big-budget redevelopment projects, including downtown sports centers and a mall. "We're trying to create walkable communities," said A. C. Wharton Jr., mayor of Shelby County, whose campaign platform included trying to attract young talent. "The folks we're talking about are not interested in long commutes in and out. They may work all hours of day or night." Mayor Wharton said that while it was important for the city to welcome gays and lesbians, he did not feel government should lead this effort. "The worst way would be to set up an initiative with a gay label on it that brings a backlash," he said. Rather, he said that as in Cincinnati, business leaders should push for tolerance in their own interest. At FedEx, the company offers extensive tolerance training programs, but unlike Procter & Gamble, it does not extend benefits to employees' domestic partners, said Mr. Wallace, the recruiting chief. Some gays and lesbians said that except in certain neighborhoods, Memphis was not always hospitable. Rumi Toninaga, 25, said she was asked to leave a store for holding hands with her girlfriend. "Being called out was atypical," she said. "But intolerance was typical." Developers in the downtown area around South Main Street, which emptied out after the King assassination, have for the last few years offered low rents to galleries to foster an arts district. One of the first, the Jay Etkin Gallery, arrived in 1999, in a heavily discounted 8,000-square-foot warehouse. Other galleries and a few restaurants, bars and cafes have followed. "I made a partnership with the landlord to be an arts developer," Mr. Etkin said. At the time, the neighborhood was deserted, he said. Now, he added, "what you start to see are young girls with dogs in the morning — and joggers." To help recruiters, volunteers from Mpact Memphis take visiting job applicants or summer interns around the city — not just to the tourist mecca of Beale Street, but to ethnic restaurants, art galleries and other less obvious spots. To encourage entrepreneurs, the city helped finance a business incubator called Emerge Memphis, where 21 startup companies receive subsidized rents and free professional advice. The incubator is near the arts district. The city also adopted plans for greenbelts and bike trails along the Mississippi to appeal to active young adults. The results so far are mixed. In the slumping national economy, the city has been unable to create new jobs, which was a major goal, said Mr. Jordan of the chamber of commerce. Christopher Reyes, 34, said he ran up against the city's reputation when he tried to start an interactive music company. "It didn't do well because no one thinks of Memphis as a tech place," he said. He was ready to leave in 2001, he said, until his music work took him to clubs like the Young Avenue Deli and the Hi Tone Cafe, where he discovered a rich supply of bands — one factor behind the growth of Austin, Seattle and Chapel Hill, N.C., according to Mr. Florida. Mr. Reyes stayed and started livefrommemphis.com, an online slice of the local music experience. "This is our treasure, but people are still promoting Elvis," he said. In a computer-filled loft downtown, where he also lives and teaches karate, he streamed samples of local music from his Web site. The city's music commission has expressed interest in supporting the site, which he pays for himself, "but they're not even close yet," he said. "The most help I get from the city is exposure," he added. "This isn't something that they embrace quickly, because it's a lot of technology they don't understand." John Gasquet, 33, belongs to the class Memphis is trying to court. Two years ago, after losing a job designing computer systems in Las Vegas, he moved to Memphis and joined a Web developer. In June he opened Empire Coffee, where he displays Mr. Florida's book on a shelf. He has since started a coffee distributorship and opened a kiosk in a local hospital. Looking at a nearly empty sidewalk outside, he said that things used to be worse. "This is a long, involved project," he said. "There's no magic bullet. We're not Manhattan or New Orleans. If we try to be Manhattan or New Orleans, we fail." |
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Articles below are for your consideration - not right or wrong - but to think and talk...
As we’ve said before...there is little to no talking in this town - outside leadership circles - about what we need and don’t need, about what we can afford and cannot afford and about how best to execute large undertakings. The Mayor has frequently said "We can do it all." That is a silly statement. We obviously cannot do it all. We must ***prioritize and focus like a laser*** on what will work and what won’t work and what is the ***most cost-effective, high probability*** means to a vibrant core. (Why, for example, when economists and urban planners continually question the value and economic return of arenas and sports stadiums do we have leaders that overemphasize public investments in sports???) At a time when we are facing the consequences of poor planning and execution of large projects from Union Station/Science City to 18th and Vine - it is questionable to be pushing too many large projects on the city.
And many at the grassroots level think that what we should be doing anyway is a *combination* of large and small projects; we should not just be devoting city (meaning both the public and private sector) thinking and resources to every large project that a special group wants. Jazz district. Science museum. Stadiums. Arena. Performing Arts Center. Kansas City Live! The proposal for an aquarium, just watch, will be back. (That sucking sound you hear is not Ross Perot and jobs moving south - remember? - it is the sound of large projects and their ill-considered aftermath...)
A more ***focused*** approach to the key large projects (ie, let’s just say 1/2 the number we are being sold today) combined with a *proactive* approach to cultivating smaller grassroots projects is the key. And then finding a way to start small with some of the larger projects if possible...for example, the 18th and Vine district might be in better shape today - like the Crossroads - if it had started small and the city had fostered smaller entrepreneurs and artists. Too much money thrown at projects can doom them. The city’s crisis reaction to the alcohol problem in the Crossroads was exemplary - but what if the city spent 25% of the time and thought it spends on large projects - to proactively fostering these smaller grassroots activities? The returns would be huge.
For those of you business types - you know this is what venture capitalists do. They spread their small bets over hundreds and hundreds of small start-up companies. They absolutely do not place big bets on just a few companies. If the city were a venture capitalist, it would have been bankrupt long, long ago - with its failed, concentrated portfolio - and with vulture capitalists hovering to scoop up city assets at bargain-basement prices. The tax payers have been patient - or asleep.
Too often proposals for large projects are made by interested parties and then there is no public discussion - except perhaps behind closed doors of the leadership. We desperately need more dialogue between the leadership (who can make things happen) and the grassroots community (who knows at least as well if not better what we need and how to best do it). No single group of leaders can make these decisions correctly...as can be seen from the current state of the urban core. (At what point will leaders be held accountable for the plethora of tax-supported failures to date?)
We must not only tolerate dissent, we must encourage it. Yessir and Yes ma’am reactions do us no good. The Mayor stated in an email a couple months ago that there has been too much negativity in reaction to various downtown proposals. I do not know if that is true or not - but we ***need*** alternative, constructive opinions. Leaders need to have the confidence to debate and back up their opinions. Rather than just hide behind boosterism. Capable and confident leaders reach out and want to learn all sides of issues - they know there are smarter people out there they can learn from. And we have alot of smart, younger and older creative folks who could add immensely to the dialogue. They could propel this city in ways we cannot imagine. The leadership needs to engage them or our city will continue to look like every other boring American city.
The "Star’s" recent editorial headline "Pull Union Station out of Mediocrity" should have read "Pull Kansas City out of Mediocrity." In fact, one trustee of a fairly major foundation in town once wondered aloud to me why most everything we do in this town is so mediocre. We are soooooo mediocre (despite out continual, and annoying claim to world-class status on whatever project we are doing...we are only fooling ourselves) because leadership is well-intentioned but does not have enough of a clue. Grassroots people are cutting edge (and know cutting edge and expert people in other communities - instead of the tired experts the leadership engages as consultants) and can lead us out of mediocrity...but the leadership must listen and engage the creative community. Leadership would need to temper the creative community perhaps...but, together, it could be a lethal combination.
There are signs of emerging dialogue between the leadership and some grassroots members...from the Downtown Council to the Urban Core Committee of the Civic Council. Certainly the Greater KC Community Foundation is well into the planning - after engaging outside experts and consulting many local leaders and grassroots organizations --- and early execution of a prioritized list of needs to focus on. The Arts Council of Metropolitan KC is addressing the property tax issue in the Crossroads - with no guarantees. But hey - we need more leaders like this - people who GET it...or are beginning to. If only each board member of civic organizations and foundations or the top 3 officers of each large company could have a beer once a month with 5 members of the real real grassroots community...can you imagine if leaders actually became sensitized to the ideas and energy at the grassroots level...this city would be worth living in...ah well, back to reality...
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The first article below is from the Harvard News Office; it describes the critical need for more density within our cities. It is THE answer - but do we really want that? (Thanks to Kevin Klinkenberg - architect/urbanist/thinker - for the article. He is an example of someone the leadership should not only be listening to - but taking notes on.)
One good quote from the article..."A wise old man once told me, if you're looking for someone to have sex with, you live in the city; if you've got someone to have sex with, you live in the suburbs. Sometimes I think it may be as simple as that."
Hmmm.
The second article (Downtown: Theme Park for the Arts) is an even-handed look at performing arts centers from the NY Times six years ago. It discusses many unforseen aspects of performing arts centers - especially on the arts organizations themselves. Has any of this even been mentioned, much less discussed, given the state of unforseen aspects of many of the larger "completed" projects?
The third brief article (Marooned on Culture Island) is an Op-Ed piece from the Times just 8 months ago or so - as Lincoln Center’s problems were coming to light with the NY Philharmonic. While out of date on these details, its strong opinions from a noted urbanist about the assumed benefits of these centers are worthy of discussion...again, have we talked about this?
The last piece (from the Times) is about Oren Safdie - son of none other than Moshe, architect of our own performing arts center - and his hilarious take as a playwright on the "Hollywoodization" of architecture and the "me too-ism" that has swept the American architectural landscape. It rings true...when will our leaders ever have original thoughts? (Hint: they most likely won’t; that is what the grassroots community is good for!)
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What makes a city thrive?
People, lots of 'em, really, really close
By Ken Gewertz
Harvard News Office
The population density of Paris is about three times that of Boston. Does this mean Paris is three times as much fun as Boston, or that if Boston's population were compounded by three, it would become another Paris?
These questions are not as silly as they may sound - that is, if you start from the premise, shared by many architects, urban designers, planners, and others, that density is the secret to creating healthier urban environments - with safer streets, better schools, more vibrant cultural and commercial activity, more efficient public transportation, nicer parks, and a less degraded environment.
On Jan. 28, the Kennedy School's Rappaport Institute for Greater Boston in cooperation with the Boston Society of Architects (BSA) held a forum at Harvard to examine the concept of density and to look at ways it could be achieved. The forum was a follow-up to an earlier conference held by the BSA in September 2003.
While most of those who attended the event viewed density as a cure for the city's ills, that attitude is by no means shared by all who take an interest in the welfare of America's towns and cities. The forum's title reflected that ambivalence: "The 'D' Word: What it Takes to Build Dense Communities in Greater Boston." In certain ways, the debate between density and its opposite - sprawl - has been going on for the past half-century, said Charles Euchner, the executive director of the Rappaport Institute, who moderated and helped organize the event.
"There's been an ongoing struggle to strengthen the city core, but not always to increase urban density. What's new, I think, is that we're realizing cities are really about people. The more people you bring in, the more vibrant the city will become," Euchner said.
While it might not quite stack up to Paris, it can hardly be said that Boston is lacking in vibrancy. And yet, if present trends continue, there may be trouble ahead. Over the past 40 years, Boston's population has gone from 800,000 to 600,000. The drop would have been even sharper if it were not for an increase in immigration since 1965.
According to the pro-density argument, urban institutions require a certain threshold population to support them. If not enough people want to shop or eat out, there won't be many good stores or restaurants. If the audience for music, theater, or art is small, these activities will not flourish. If the tax base is scanty, schools and municipal services will be substandard. Even parks need people to use them, and if the parks are deserted, they will not receive the upkeep they need to remain attractive.
Density is also considered good for the environment because it is easier and cheaper to provide heating, electricity, sewerage, and other services to people living in concentrated groups than to those in single-family homes in suburban areas. As a result, the impact of dense populations on the surrounding environment is less harmful.
If density is such a good thing, why haven't more people gotten the message? The first panel took up this question. David Parrish, who described himself as a "recovering architect," now a senior vice president at the Federal Home Loan Bank of Boston, brought up the point that whether people want to take advantage of the social and cultural advantages of the city or seek the sprawling suburbs depends on where they are in the life cycle.
"A wise old man once told me, if you're looking for someone to have sex with, you live in the city; if you've got someone to have sex with, you live in the suburbs. Sometimes I think it may be as simple as that."
Others spoke about the stigma associated with density.
"Density used to be associated with poverty," said BSA President David Dixon. "We are part of that baby boom generation whose parents moved away from poverty by moving away from the city. The core reason for the stigma is a historical artifact."
Hubert Murray, a Boston-based architect and urban planner, spoke about the visual images that the word "density" brings to many people's minds.
"It's the turn-of-the-century photographs that Jacob Riis took of the slums on the Lower East Side, it's the Pruitt-Igoe housing project in St. Louis that had to be torn down in the 1970s. It's the image of the huddled masses, of disease, crime, congestion. But the statistics show that density is not a leading factor for these conditions. For example, the TB statistics show that the key elements are new immigrants and poverty. Similarly, it's poverty and the lack of job opportunities that drive crime and not density, per se." Alfred Wojciechowski, a principal in a Boston design firm, said that for density to work, people have to feel comfortable moving out into the public realm.
"It's very much about walkability. Goods and services have to be immediately available. You have to be able to walk to them."
Wojciechowski quoted design theorist Christopher Alexander, who called the ineffable combination of factors that make a neighborhood pleasant the "quality without a name," sometimes abbreviated by designers as "QWAN."
Developer Roger Cassin agreed. "A five-minute walk in a neighborhood where you feel uncomfortable is too far."
In many cases, achieving greater density means building taller
buildings, something that often proves unpopular, especially in the Boston area. "We're an awfully conservative city when it comes to high buildings," said David Lee, a partner in a Boston architectural firm and an adjunct professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. "Anything over three stories and people come out and rebel against it. We're still stuck in the 19th century. We haven't even made it into the 20th."
"The dominant religion has always been the religion of short buildings," said Dixon. "I challenge anyone to claim that their lives have been harmed by a tall building."
The second panel concentrated on how public policy could be used to achieve greater density. Stephanie Pollock of the Conservation Law Foundation said that the debate over density needed to be reframed.
"Public policy is the art of solving problems, but density is not a problem that anyone wants to solve. In order to inject density into the public policy debate, we must propose it as a solution to other problems."
Edward Moscovich, an independent economist and consultant, identified one such problem.
"In the commonwealth as a whole, most public officials know that development should take place someplace else. If residential development is proposed, their job is to stop it. Why? Because it costs about $6,000 per year to educate a child, and they know the real estate taxes on a $300,000 home won't cover it." The result of this reluctance to build housing results in housing shortages, which results in higher housing costs, which tends to reduce density. Some members of the panel spoke about using incentives to counter this tendency.
Barry Bluestone, an economist who directs the Center for Urban and Regional Policy at Northeastern University, suggested that the state government offer cities a $2,000-$3,000 density bonus for each unit of housing built to help cover the cost of schools and other services.
What chance is there that Boston and other communities will begin to see density as the solution to the problems they face? Euchner believes that conferences like this one may help to move decision makers in the right direction.
"Communities are constantly debating the level of development they should allow. I think forums like this one create greater literacy and awareness about this subject, and when people can talk intelligently, it can have an enormous impact on the debate. I think people are more open to density than they were a couple of years ago."
December 6, 1998, Sunday
ARTS AND LEISURE DESK
LATE at night, along Main Street in Louisville, the Kentucky Center for the Arts sits in desolate silence across from the office building of a major financial supporter, the Humana Foundation. Restaurants are barely visible in the corners of office towers on deserted streets. A few pedestrians turn up, walking with purposeful strides. Cars pull into lots beneath the center.
One evening not long ago, the scene inside was almost as surreal. In a packed theater, a three-hour tribute to the mandolin was in progress, featuring a folk musician playing bluegrass mandolin, a Russian virtuoso known as ''the Paganini of the Dorma'' and a stage full of mandolinists modeling themselves on ensembles that thrived in the Midwest 70 years ago.
This collection of high, low and in between, of classical, jazz, country and bluegrass, set in the middle of a darkened, urban street of empty towers, seemed strange to a visitor used to the more frenetic exteriors and less eclectic interiors of New York, but the odd mix is not unusual in American arts centers. These multipurpose, multicultural, multihalled institutions now dominate the cultural scene, often in ways that have barely been recognized. They are becoming as common as city halls, cost anywhere from $30 million to $200 million, and promise cultural rebirth and economic vitality.
The development of these centers may mark the most dramatic change in the American performing arts landscape since concert halls were built in the 19th century. And just as concert halls transformed the nature of classical music, arts centers are having a profound, unexpected and largely unexamined impact on the arts.
The centers, which range from converted movie theaters to Lincoln Center-style complexes, were originally meant to provide homes for classical performing arts groups like orchestras and ballet companies. But they have become something else entirely. The buildings don't just house culture; they alter it.
They have, in their shape and design, actually created an ''arts center culture.'' And the newest centers -- like the New Jersey Performing Arts Center in Newark, or the Bass Performance Hall in Fort Worth -- already take it for granted. Arts-center style leans toward the classical performing arts but celebrates populist variety; it boasts an elite character but celebrates a democratic view of culture.
Bass Hall in Texas, for example, was built with $65 million from private and foundation sources, with orchestra, ballet and musical theater in mind. But its current inaugural season also offers Milton Berle, Judy Collins, the Flying Karamazov Brothers and the ballet ''Romeo and Juliet'' danced on ice. And all across the country, high-grossing and popular Broadway road shows are often displacing classical groups from their center homes, sometimes for months.
Why have classical arts tended to become less important in institutions supposedly designed for their nurture, and why has a more eclectic arts-center style emerged? Several reasons became evident during visits to a number of arts centers, including three vastly different types in Tulsa, Okla., Minneapolis and Louisville.
* The urban goals of the arts center -- to rebuild downtown areas, increase foot traffic and invite large attendance -- often conflict with the nonprofit artistic goals that the arts center is supposed to embrace. If an artistic event does not attract sufficient popular attention, it becomes a burden to the center rather than an asset.
* Because many centers were also designed as grand civic statements meant to transform declining downtowns, their main halls are often too large for their communities, guaranteeing swaths of empty seats for the more demanding arts -- a vacuum that many centers have come to abhor.
* The high overhead of their new homes and increased competition from the arts centers' own programming add to the classical groups' woes, aggravating their already growing sense of marginality in American culture.
* In an unexpected way, the arts center directors, with the mandate to reach far beyond the classical performing arts for programming, have become the dominant cultural impresarios in many locales, supplanting the artistic directors of orchestras, ballet companies and opera houses. The inevitable result: eclectic strains in American performing arts are strengthened, while classical strains are weakened. Arts that turn a profit compete with those that rely on patronage.
The arts center's creation hinged on one set of premises; its success hinges on another. In 1966, when Lincoln Center was still incomplete, its first president, the composer William Schuman, predicted that its model of a ''cultural center'' would become ''the new establishment.'' It has, but not in a way that Schuman could have imagined.
THE concept of the arts center developed in the decade beginning in the mid-50's: classical arts were secure in their prestigious positions in cultural life, and the National Endowment for the Arts was conceived. At the same time, attention was ever more focused on the racial and economic problems of American cities. Lincoln Center -- still the archetype -- combined these concerns, beginning with an idea from Robert Moses's Committee on Slum Clearance in 1955 to redevelop New York's West Side.
As the concept spread to other cities, it brought the hope of civic rebirth to abandoned downtowns. More than two-thirds of this country's performing spaces have been built since Lincoln Center was begun, with many of these thousands of buildings being called not concert halls or theaters but arts centers.
Typically, but not always, arts centers are products of financial patchwork quilts. A state or city donates or leases the land to a nonprofit organization. Private and foundation money is used for construction, sometimes with public matching funds. Classical arts groups are often given priority access, sometimes renting at a discount and contributing to the center's overhead. Other rentals are solicited. And the center often puts together its own presentations as well.
Complexes range from the gargantuan Wortham Center in Houston to more humble examples like the Myrna Loy Center in Helena, Mont., housed in a renovated former county jail. Some are mainly concert halls, like the $118 million Benaroya Hall that opened in Seattle this fall. Others, like the $187 million New Jersey Performing Arts Center, are multihalled variations on the Lincoln Center model. Some centers rent out their spaces for body-building competitions and wedding receptions; others have more refined standards. Some compete against other auditoriums; others don't.
But the emphasis on urban renewal is fairly consistent. The buildings do not evolve from their surroundings but are seemingly inserted into them. This can create an eerie quality (one that even Lincoln Center had in its earlier years), in which arts centers seem in a place, but not of it, often rising out of dark, deserted streets and reachable mainly by car. A new urban logic is created: the arts don't grow out of the city; the city will grow out of the arts -- or rather, out of the upper-income demographics associated with them.
This urban ambition is one reason so many arts centers -- including Lincoln Center -- are overbuilt, as if preparing for the hoped-for multitudes. But size can create problems. An opera house with 2,500 seats must often satisfy a symphony orchestra that attracts an audience of less than two-thirds that number (as is the case in Tulsa); the ballet may fill even fewer seats (as has sometimes been the case in Louisville).
Size also affects content. Stars are hired to fill halls; pop presentations are courted for their drawing power. And great chunks of repertory are slighted. Lincoln Center's offerings, for example, are hampered by the lack of a chamber opera theater; its organizations must also scale their productions to fill large spaces. Chamber music and vocal recitals may have a harder time on the national circuit partly because they are unsuitable for many centers. Some arts complexes offer small halls, but even then, operas, ballets and orchestral concerts tend to be placed in arenas too large for their audiences.
The problems with the arts-center model are not just physical; an unexpected tension has arisen between centers and the classical groups that inspired their construction. The groups need and want a supportive home; the centers, though, aspire to more events, more money, more artistic possibilities. And while a center can help arts groups by easing promotional costs, interests often conflict.
This competition has been most fierce outside the largest cities, a situation aggravated by -- and aggravating -- the increasing marginalization of the classical arts. In the 1950's and early 60's, the Louisville Orchestra (which had an important national presence with its recordings of new music) had no home; neither did the local opera or ballet. They leased a local legitimate theater, but the landlord planned to replace it with a parking garage. The conflict ended up in court; finally, after 17 years of wrangling, negotiation and fund raising, the Kentucky Center for the Arts opened in 1983 to provide a lasting home.
But in recent years, the Louisville Orchestra, which has been struggling, has had to seek other performance spaces when the center wanted to make room for touring Broadway shows. The Kentucky Opera, experiencing a drop in subscriptions, cut back its seasonal offerings from five to three. There has been contentiousness over how much responsibility lies with the companies and how much with the center. The orchestra is about to announce that next season it will move its classical series from the main arts-center building to an off-site 1,400-seat theater managed by the center.
Richard Van Kleeck, a classically trained musician who is programming director of the Kentucky Center for the Arts, said in a recent interview, ''Classical music continues to be the toughest sell; it's tough to get audiences to come out.'' But the center, he said, has recently examined its mission and will ''continue to keep a schedule'' of classical events -- though they have become more marginal than the center's founders originally planned.
In fact, the immense success of touring Broadway shows has caused serious conflicts in cities with limited performing spaces, forcing many opera companies and orchestras to relocate temporarily. Next February, in Louisville, the Disney musical ''Beauty and the Beast'' will take over the main theater of the Kentucky Center for the Arts for a month, forcing the Louisville Orchestra to play at a renovated movie theater. And last season, the Florida Orchestra could obtain only 3 of its desired 21 dates in the Tampa Bay Performing Arts Center because of touring shows.
In an interview, Judith Lisi, the president of the Tampa center, acknowledged that the potential conflicts might even force classical groups to reconsider their place in the very halls that had been built for them.
''At some point,'' Ms. Lisi said, ''the orchestras may have to deal with the problem and may have to build dedicated halls.''
IN place of the steady diets of classical fare originally anticipated at many centers, what is being offered there now? Here politics can be as influential as taste. At the Kentucky Center, the board is appointed by the state's governor; in Tulsa, the facility is overseen by the city government; in Hartford, the Bushnell Theater is completely private and nonprofit. But municipalities always stand in judgment, and these pressures -- unlike those from private donors -- tend to push in a populist direction.
This has helped create the arts-center style. The emphasis is on serving disparate communities, which in some cases leads to diverse excellence and in others to pandering variety. Performances for children are plentiful. So are performances that try to create links with local ethnic and racial groups. In Louisville, country fiddling and jazz have found their way into subscription series. In Los Angeles, the opera company has appealed to Hispanic communities with zarzuelas. The California Center of the Arts in Escondido also courts multiple audiences, scheduling, during the next two months, ''The Hanukkah Story'' narrated by Leonard Nimoy, a mariachi band, ''A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Forum,'' Argentine tangos and the violinist Itzhak Perlman.
The particular balance partly depends on the vision of the arts center director, who, in city after city, has emerged as a dominant cultural force. Ms. Lisi, for example, may be the most important performing arts presenter in South Florida, booking about 100 different performances a year and running an education program for about 100,000 schoolchildren.
In Louisville, Mr. Van Kleeck's programming may be creating a stronger profile than that of the classical arts groups. Last season, the local premiere of ''Les Enfants Terribles'' by Philip Glass attracted just a few hundred people, but Mr. Van Kleeck believes the performance was important to his artistic mission.
More commercially successful is Mr. Van Kleeck's regular subscription series, ''Lonesome Pine,'' which last season included the mandolin celebration and this winter offers the bluegrass of John Cowan, the African rock vocals of Salif Keita, the Celtic music of Anam and a Hawaiian slack-key guitar festival.
The eclecticism can take on different characteristics in different cities. During an intermission in Verdi's ''Aida'' at the Tulsa Performing Arts Center last season, a 13-foot boa constrictor was wrapped around the neck of an ''Egyptian.'' It was held out to daring donors who were offered Polaroid photo-ops. In Tulsa, which was celebrating its centennial origins as an American Indian settlement and is proud of its close connections to the Midwestern wilderness, the snake seemed a reminder of how arts centers adapt to their surroundings.
Tulsa's character -- its conservative taste and entrepreneurial spirit -- is evident even in the nature of the arts organizations that perform at the center. The Tulsa Ballet owns rehearsal studios in an outdoor strip mall, where store rents are used to support it. Theater Tulsa lost many of is resources during the 1980's oil depression, but continues as a thriving amateur group at the center.
The situation is far different in Minneapolis, which is a more cosmopolitan university city; the Walker Art Center can even specialize in a playful, often political avant-gardism that would never last in Tulsa.
Once last season, the Sun Ra Arkestra entered the auditorium of the Walker, clapping, chanting and wearing glittering outfits and headgear -- a style set by the jazz orchestra's late founder, Sun Ra, who liked to claim he was a visitor from outer space. But when the group started to play ''When You Wish Upon a Star,'' peppering the familiar tune with shrieking riffs and dissonant improvisations, the audience -- at least half children -- looked as if it had been abandoned by Jiminy Cricket. Undeterred adults filled the hall for more serious intergalactic jazz that evening.
This was not an atypical event for the Walker, a museum spiced with performances. Its self-consciously post-modern presentations of conceptual art, performance art and film easily find audiences in a cultivated city that has the classical bases well covered. (The Brooklyn Academy of Music under Harvey Lichtenstein has defined a similar vision in New York City.) The Walker's director of musical performance, Philip Bither, puts the museum's spirit of rambunctious and contentious play in audible form, including, this season, a cross-cultural band of Afro-Hispanic pop (Radio Tarifa), an afternoon of interactive electronic music making (''Sonic Circuits''), and ''A Prelude to Faust,'' in which the stories of Faust and Job are intertwined and performed by a local puppeteer and performance artist, Michael Sommers, and his troupe.
DESPITE its variations, the overall arts-center style is still unmistakable, tapping into contemporary America's preoccupation with democratization of the arts and taste: a refusal to make many distinctions, a preference for events that provide the greatest pleasure to the greatest number, a distrust of all elite claims.
The clearest portrait of arts-center style was actually suggested by an exhibition at the Walker last year, a show now at the Cooper-Hewitt National Design Museum in New York: ''The Architecture of Reassurance.''
This exhibit, about the design of Disney theme parks, shows maps of various Tomorrowlands and Frontierlands, their grand vistas and exotic possibilities extending outward from a quaint Main Street in a stylized American town. That town hardly exists today (if it ever did), but its remnants can be seen in the surreal street signs like Market Street in bare, downtown Louisville, or in the suspended corridors called skyways in downtown Minneapolis, which bridge office buildings for the convenience of pedestrians in winter.
At the artificial heart of these post-urban Main Streets, the arts center is creating its own architecture of reassurance, a kind of eclectic Disneyesque dream image rising out of the cityscape. The towering office buildings and abandoned streets of many a downtown lead to a cultural temple filled with fantastical offerings. The bustle of the streets may be gone, but remnants of the streets -- snakes and mandolins and mariachi bands -- find a home even if classical arts languish. That home is a comfortable well-lighted mall, with a series of amusements high and low, rides for the daring, icons for the devoted, entertainment for the bored and, on occasion perhaps, a kind of enlightenment.
CAPTIONS:
Photo: The Kentucky Center for the Arts rises from Louisville's empty nighttime streets. (Kentucky Center for the Arts)(pg. 45)June 4, 2003, Wednesday
EDITORIAL DESK
Like the acoustics of Avery Fisher Hall, Lincoln Center has never really worked. This island of culture stands apart from the city like a fortress, with an elevated plaza on the east offering a lukewarm welcome to one segment of society while concrete walls shut off the less fortunate segment represented by the public housing to the west. Centers like this deaden urban street life, bringing a rush of traffic and human activity all at one time and then lying almost dormant the rest of the day, like a stadium without a game.
So it seems almost inevitable that the New York Philharmonic would leave Avery Fisher to return to its ancestral home, Carnegie Hall, declared an anachronism in the era of urban renewal. The alleged outdatedness of Carnegie Hall was part of the rationale for Lincoln Center's construction in the 1960's. In fact, it is Lincoln Center that is outdated, even though 70 years newer.
The Philharmonic's departure should not be a surprise. The wonder is that it took so long. Fifteen years ago, the Detroit Symphony Orchestra abandoned its 1950's urban renewal hall with nightmarish acoustics but a good address -- and moved back to its former home, the 1919 Orchestra Hall that the cellist Pablo Casals called ''an acoustical marvel, a gem among the world's concert halls.'' Hardly anyone noticed. But the Philharmonic's move is like a shot heard around the world. This could begin the undoing of the country's islands of culture -- some with streets, some without -- from Miami to Dallas to Washington that sit in isolated glory, strangers in their own neighborhoods.
While the Philharmonic's decision may have mostly to do with the cost of redoing Avery Fisher Hall yet again, the move has an even greater urban significance. The tension between the arts institutions of Lincoln Center reflects their unnatural combination. Arts institutions are inherently independent -- they have different audiences and conflicting needs. They should be as physically separate as they already are artistically.
Further, a cultural institution works best as a seamless part of the street life that changes in character during the day. Segregating culture from the urban fabric was a popular idea of the 1950's and 60's, a now discredited era of city planning. The idea was that civic, shopping and cultural centers, like Lincoln Center, would mend torn pieces of the urban fabric. They don't.
Instead, they destroy what exists. They are credited with revitalization attributes they don't deserve. While Lincoln Center did renew public interest in the West Side, the area's revival did not reflect the center's presence but the renewed interest in the undervalued brownstones and row houses that remained, an interest that has reinvigorated neighborhoods nationwide, from Brooklyn to Pittsburgh to San Francisco. The diversity and street life that draw residents and tourists to thriving urban neighborhoods is exactly what gets erased by singular centers of activity.
Few remember and probably fewer care that Lincoln Center replaced 1,647 families and 383 businesses in 188 buildings, many of them brownstones for which people today would pay extraordinary sums to buy and renovate. What was declared a slum 50 years ago could have been today's newest rejuvenation star.
But at the time, Lincoln Center was a trendsetter of enormous influence, the leader among marbleized entertainment centers (despite much popular criticism). It was supposed to doom the 1891 Carnegie Hall, which was saved from the wrecker's ball only through the efforts of the violinist Isaac Stern and the philanthropist Jack Kaplan.
Today Carnegie Hall is the epitome of the cultural anchor that strengthens its neighborhood without overwhelming it. Rescued, restored and then restored and upgraded again, Carnegie has not only withstood the test of time, it stands like a beacon of hope for the country's underappreciated landmarks prematurely consigned to the garbage heap of history. As for Lincoln Center, it must wrestle with the double challenge of losing a major anchor and overcoming a fundamentally flawed design.
November 9, 2003, Sunday
ARTS AND LEISURE DESK
BLAME Bilbao. Frank Gehry's extravagant design for the Spanish outpost of the Guggenheim Museum was an impressive architectural achievement, but it also started an insidious trend, argues Oren Safdie, author of ''Private Jokes, Public Places,'' a Shavian satire of contemporary architecture that opened last Wednesday at the Theater at the Center for Architecture in Greenwich Village.
''Now every city looking to attract tourists goes shopping for the most famous, most up-to-date architect who gets carte blanche to do whatever he or she wants,'' Mr. Safdie said recently, sitting in a diner in Park Slope, Brooklyn. ''It's the Hollywoodization of architecture.''
Mr. Safdie, who criticizes architecture in the same disappointed yet loving way that an aging producer complains about Broadway, is the son of the eminent architect Moshe Safdie and has been around architects all his life (his sister also works in the field). The younger Mr. Safdie, who is 39, even attended the Columbia University School of Architecture, an attempt, he explains, ''to get closer to my dad.'' But he didn't have the drive to actually join the profession. In his final semester at Columbia, he took a playwriting course for which he wrote a 10-minute scene that would eventually become ''Private Jokes.'' The one-act, which involved three ego-driven architects and one student, was based on his experience at Columbia presenting a design to a jury of critics.
''My discovery of writing took me out of architecture,'' Mr. Safdie said. He has written a few plays (''Jews and Jesus,'' ''Hyper-Allergenic'') and a screenplay (''You Can Thank Me Later'') that received little attention. In 2001, his Off Off Broadway update of ''Fiddler on the Roof,'' called ''Fiddler Sub-Terrain,'' was panned by critics. ''Getting that response reminded me of standing up with my model and having a jury critique it,'' he said. It also inspired him to return to the scene he wrote in class, expanding it into a full-length play.
''Private Jokes'' centers on a plucky Korean-American student named Margaret, played by Mr. Safdie's wife, M. J. Kang, whose project, based on one that Mr. Safdie designed in school, is a public pool in which swimmers can enter the water from the locker room so as to avoid being seen in a bathing suit in public. In this excerpt, Margaret clashes with two middle-aged architects on her jury.
--JASON ZINOMAN
ERHARDT: This is a classroom, a place to let your imagination run wild -- a luxury you won't have when you're out in the real world.
MARGARET: But that's exactly how it all gets started.
ERHARDT: What gets started?
MARGARET [getting worked up]: You ask us to come up with these abstract ideas that aren't even meant to be built, but then before you know it, someone publishes it in some shee-shee poo-poo New York magazine, and then all of a sudden there's a show at MoMA, and then pretty soon after that, it gets built, and then others get built, cheap knock-offs start showing up in office buildings, shopping malls, hospitals . . . and all from what? Some narcissistic attempt to stand out from the rest . . . I mean, at least with the Modernists, despite being a complete failure, their intentions were motivated by a sense of social purpose.
COLIN [antennas up]: The Modernists? You criticized the Modernists. Which ones are you referring to?
MARGARET [not as confident now]: No one architect in particular, I'm referring more to the failure of the Movement.
COLIN: Am I missing something? Is this an established fact?
MARGARET: Not really, but----
COLIN: So you find the work of Le Corbusier a failure?
MARGARET: No, I admire Le Corbusier.
COLIN: Adolf Loos?
MARGARET: No.
COLIN: Walter Gropius? Louis Sullivan? Mies Van Der Rohe?
MARGARET: Well, actually----
COLIN: Who are you to make these sweeping statements? Attacking these great men of history?
MARGARET: What I mean to say is that even though the Modern Movement produced some very important buildings, and continues to fulfill a need, it was also responsible for some of the worst failures in architectural history, which continue to plague our inner cities today. Sure, Modernism works when it's applied to a luxury apartment building on Lake Michigan, or a glass house in the middle of the Connecticut woods . . . but what has it done for the people -- the real people -- living in public housing projects in the Bronx, Chicago, Paris and every other slum in the Western world? You think it's a coincidence that there are skyrocketing crime rates? Battered wives? Teenage pregnancy? The buildings look like they were designed for mice, not people.
Just three days into a new exhibition this past September, the Bellevue Art Museum in Bellevue, Wash., abruptly closed its doors and suspended programming. Among the reasons, according to an article in The Seattle Times, were regional financial woes, an unclear mission and leadership conflicts. But another, less familiar issue was also raised: the museum's building, a three-year-old avant-garde edifice designed by the New York architect Stephen Holl. As the article explained, public support for the new museum was weakened by "galleries poorly suited to traditional art shows." While the institution's past and present leaders are still assessing the situation, many — including two former directors and the current board chairman — acknowledge that the new building, with its expansive, soaring interior, called for programming that left local audiences disenchanted. Bellevue may be the first casualty of a phenomenon known as the Bilbao effect: following the example set by Frank Gehry's Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao, Spain, museums are commissioning high-style architecture that will not only raise the profile of the institution but boost the economy of the area. But in addition to spectacular architecture, this can also produce exhibition spaces less in service to works of art than in service to the building itself as art. The very public failure in Bellevue has sent a shudder through the museum world, especially in cities where capital campaigns for fancy new buildings, begun in a more robust economy, now face tough going. Publicly, few will admit to second thoughts. The leaders at the Bellevue Art Museum, though, have no choice. Rick Collette, the museum's board president, insisted that officials were merely regrouping around the institution, which was founded 28 years ago. "We have to rebuild our mission, be clear about it," he said, "rebuild our management, rebuild our board." Even so, he said, architecture remains an issue: "Personally, I like the building, but it does present challenges, with very large spaces, high ceilings, glass and curved walls." The board's initial research, he said, indicates a desire in the community for less contemporary art and more traditional painting by Northwest artists and regional crafts like glass, basketry and textiles, which often require intimate settings. Mr. Collette said that the museum's building committee had a vision when it chose Mr. Holl's design, but that perhaps it had not given enough consideration to the kind of art that would be shown in the spaces. "I personally wasn't involved," he said, "but today you look at the building and wonder how well thought out that was." Mr. Holl countered that in Bellevue, "challenging architecture was the whole point." "The building never was meant to be just a bland box of galleries," he said in a recent interview. "It was not designed for traditional gallery space as an end-all, but for the future of what Northwestern art could be, including digital, new media and installation art." Mr. Holl said he had volunteered to lay out a plan for temporary, more traditional 20-by-20-foot galleries and had designed the main lateral structure to be as flexible as possible. "It's very disturbing that the museum closed, but it's really a trustee decision," he said. "They need to organize themselves." Whatever the particularities of Bellevue's situation, Mr. Holl's building embodies many of the preferred attributes of avant-garde museum architects: big, volumetric voids designed for big, imposing artworks, as opposed to "bland box" backdrops or neutral containers. The aim is galleries that will be active rather than passive, that will become part of the art-making process, providing inspiration for artists who, ideally, will make site-specific works for the spaces. Thus new museums often end up with tall, irregularly shaped, light-filled chambers, with idiosyncratic features like curved walls, varying ceiling heights and odd corners. In the wing now under construction at the Denver Art Museum, designed by Daniel Libeskind, none of the exterior walls will meet the floors at right angles. Faced with a new building's exotic features, some museum staff members may have quiet fits — or just move on. Indeed, heavy staff turnover is a common consequence of major capital projects, so common that a recent article in Architectural Record magazine called it the "new building syndrome." Museum staff members frequently say that a backlash is likely to set in among curators who assume that only superstar architects and wealthy patrons will get to call the shots when designs are chosen. "Avant-garde architects are making spaces that are sculptural, that they consider works of art," said Michael Auping, chief curator at the Modern Art Museum in Fort Worth. "But artists don't want to present their work in spaces that are very sculptural, or a space that's already considered to be a work of art. John Chamberlain, for instance, would not want his work presented inside a Richard Serra." Regarding the trend toward huge galleries, he said: "Architects say, `I know you need big, open, flexible spaces, then you can build walls when you need them.' Flexibility is a myth. When you do build walls inside these big spaces, it ends up looking like a trade show. Why not get it right from the get-go?" Mr. Auping was able to work closely with the architect Tadao Ando during the five-year process of designing galleries for the new museum building that opened in Fort Worth last December. "I said what I needed most is beautiful walls, not big spaces," he said. "I need a kind of compression, intimate spaces in which viewers can feel a physical relationship to the artworks. Natural light is another myth. You have to create a mix, so that it looks mostly natural, but really is mostly artificial. Natural light has to be controllable." Mr. Auping is the envy of more than one curator who has felt ignored during a design process. "We're definitely a positive model," he said. "I was brought into the process early on, and put on the building committee. Usually the building committee consists of patrons and the director. But our director wanted me to be more responsible for the outcome. "I acted as a kind of aesthetic lawyer, and my client is the artist. Ando understood that. But if the curator is not empowered to make the program known, it's easier for the architect to say, `Let's get all these inconsequential people out of the way.' " Susan Courtemanche, a New York-based consultant for nonprofit groups who is advising several museums with capital projects, said: "What I see happening in many institutions is what I call a one-off. It's the first time a team of people has ever done this, and they feel that if they build the iconic statement, people will come — the Bilbao effect. But the community may only come once." A major mistake, she said, was hiring the architect too soon, before the institutional team, including curators and other important staff, fully grasped what its audience would sustain. "Once that mission is solidly understood, a vision is then crafted for the future. It requires going back to your touchstone. Then you hire the architect, who will be in service to the institutional vision. Otherwise, the institution is supporting the architect's vision, and tension is inevitable." Some curators stand up to the effects of high-profile architecture. In St. Louis, Brad Cloepfil's main-floor gallery at the new Contemporary Art Museum was designed to be wide open and virtually without walls until the curator, Shannon Fitzgerald, insisted on one long wall to accommodate the 11 artists in the building's inaugural show. "Brad wanted that wall to come down after the show, but I keep wondering how that would look then — like a factory?" Ms. Fitzgerald said. The exhibition spaces in St. Louis are also flooded with unscreened natural light from two huge window walls, which will necessitate rebuilding the inside space for a video show that was planned before the building opened last September. "I'm still thinking about how to control the light," Ms. Fitzgerald said. "Do you build heavy theatrical curtains every time? We're looking at filters or scrims, but it's a pretty big-budget concern. And now that it's winter, I'm tracking the light's movement across the walls, wondering, can you hang a Polaroid there?" Despite its quirks, Ms. Fitzgerald said, "I think it's a great building; overall, it's artist-friendly." Artists are increasingly making art that is "space-driven" anyway, she said, and because of that, Mr. Cloepfil's architecture is having an impact on her planning. (The St. Louis museum, like the Bellevue, has no permanent collection.) "Just being in the empty galleries," she said, "I'm sparked to think of certain artists who would be great here." But a more typical experience at institutions with collections might be that of Judith Fox, former curator at the Davis Museum at Wellesley College in Massachusetts. The main gallery in the museum's 1993 Rafael Moneo building ended up with 20-foot ceilings, even though 90 percent of the collection "is off the living room walls of Wellesley alumnae," Ms. Fox said, adding that a visitor once quipped that an exhibition of the permanent collection "looked like ring around the bathtub." "You need an exhibition designer to create an environment for exhibitions of artworks not specifically designed for these unusual, large and open spaces, to shield the light, to bring down the ceilings," she said. "With budgets getting shorter, this is one more extra cost. And it's very hard to work with corners that meet in obtuse and acute angles when you're installing." Ms. Fox, now an independent curator, had been working on an exhibition planned for Mr. Holl's Bellevue Art Museum. "There's a three- or four-story space shaped like a giant Chinese pea pod — really tall," she said. "You have to do something really spectacular there." In Bellevue and elsewhere, she said, "avant-garde architecture does drive curatorial goals, and it therefore shapes the program." The Bellevue museum's last director, Kathleen Harleman, who resigned in August shortly before the museum closed, agreed. But she also echoed Mr. Holl's contention that there was nothing wrong with provocative architecture. "The building did drive the program, but I think it was an exciting challenge," she said. "The boldness of the architecture needs to be matched with the boldness of the program." She was skeptical about the proposed new exhibition program of traditional arts and crafts. Small things in the galleries, she said, "tend to disappear on the walls; to leave a feeling of emptiness. And there are relatively limited places relegated for the display of art." Ms. Harleman's predecessor, Diane Douglas, is credited with raising money and community support for the building project and with helping draft the museum's design and mission. Ms. Douglas disagreed with Mr. Collette, the current board president, that the building's architecture was in conflict with community expectations. "I felt there was a desire for architecture of distinction in the city," she said. So why did the museum fail? Was it money? Mission? Programming? Architecture? "That would be my question," she said. "What was it? Do we have enough data to separate those strands?" However, and whenever, things get sorted out in Bellevue, Mr. Holl's architecture will still have to be reckoned with. "The building is a strong statement, no doubt," Ms. Douglas said. "It's beautiful, a work of art in itself." Ann Wilson Lloyd is the Boston correspondent for Art in America |
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hen J. B. Schramm talks about getting poor kids into college, he sounds less like a bleeding heart than a corporate shark pitching a moneymaking scheme. He talks about market opportunities, about talent that is "undervalued by the marketplace" and "economic muscle that's not being harnessed." Mr. Schramm, a divinity school graduate, is the founder of College Summit, an organization in Washington that helps low-income high school students with B and C averages, who might not otherwise continue their educations, apply to college. As schooled in the science — and lingo — of market domination as any well-trained M.B.A., he wants to eliminate what he calls the college "market gap" and put a dent in the poverty rate at the same time. And not just in his community but in the nation at large. "A kid who enrolls in college over the course of his life contributes $300,000 more in federal taxes alone and a million more in lifetime earnings," Mr. Schramm explained. "And getting that kid who's the first in his family to go to college effectively ends poverty in that family. That's irreversible progress." The work is slow going and unglamorous. It has not made him famous or rich. But as faith in the ability of government and private philanthropy to solve social problems diminishes, unconventional do-gooders like Mr. Schramm, who combine market savvy and a social conscience with an overweening ambition to see their ideas become part of the cultural bedrock, belong to an important global trend. If Mother Teresa, who won a Nobel Peace Prize for her charitable work with the poor and the sick, embodies the old way of treating social problems (compassion and Band-Aids), then big thinking, solution-minded pragmatists like Mr. Schramm represent the new. According to the theory emerging from some of the nation's top business schools, they belong to a powerful and growing breed of innovator: the social entrepreneur. "We need innovative solutions to social problems, and increasingly societies are realizing that private citizens, acting in entrepreneurial ways, blending business tools with relevant social expertise, are the best hope for finding those solutions," said J. Gregory Dees, director of the Center for the Advancement of Social Entrepreneurship at the Fuqua School of Business at Duke University and a leading expert in the budding field. "These citizens are social entrepreneurs." In New York City there is Sara Horowitz, a lawyer and labor activist, who started Working Today, a group that provides low-cost health insurance to freelancers, who typically have little access to benefits but who now make up nearly a third of the labor force. Better known are Wendy Kopp, the founder of Teach for America, which hires young graduates from top colleges to teach in deprived urban and rural schools; Paul Farmer, a doctor who is transforming global health-care policy toward the indigent; and Muhammad Yunus, a Bangladeshi economist who revolutionized the concept of micro-credit, making millions of successful small loans to poor people through his Grameen Bank. William Drayton, the founder of Ashoka, an organization that since 1981 has provided funds and intellectual support to just such citizens around the world, has perhaps done more than anyone to encourage the trend. And he speaks of it with near revolutionary fervor. Rattling off impressive statistics about the growth of nonprofit and citizen groups in the last two decades, he declares social entrepreneurship to be "the most important historical force at work today," adding, "The social half of society has tipped: it has become as entrepreneurial and competitive as the business half of society, and the consequences are extremely dramatic." Given the flurry of interest in the subject at business schools, that may prove not to be such an exaggeration. In 1989, when Mr. Dees, then a professor at the Harvard Business School, first proposed a course in social entrepreneurship, he was flatly turned down. "The reaction was very cool," he recalled. "I was cautioned not to do that." But by the mid-1990's the attitude on campus had changed. Harvard created an initiative in social entrepreneurship, and Mr. Dees taught what he thinks may have been the first course on the topic in an American business school. Today there are similar initiatives at Columbia, Stanford, Duke and Yale, and the Web site of the Association to Advance Collegiate Schools of Business (aacsb.edu), an international accrediting agency, lists 28 other schools that say they have programs in social entrepreneurship. Last spring Stanford started the first academic journal dedicated to the subject: The Stanford Social Innovation Review. And in November the Saïd Business School at Oxford University inaugurated the Skoll Center for Social Entrepreneurship, named for Jeff Skoll, the former president of e-Bay and a major financial backer. While the activities of some social entrepreneurs and their organizations have received news media attention, the press has been slow to pick up on the larger phenomenon. But that, too, is beginning to change. The January issue of Fast Company features the winners of that magazine's first annual Social Capitalists Awards: 20 organizations that are "using the disciplines of the corporate world to tackle daunting social problems." And in February Oxford University Press will publish "How to Change the World: Social Entrepreneurship and the Power of New Ideas," by David Bornstein, a journalist whose specialty is social innovation. His first book, "The Price of a Dream" (Simon & Schuster, 1996), recounted Mr. Yunus's successful experiment with micro-credit and eventually led him to Mr. Drayton, whom he calls "the social entrepreneur of social entrepreneurship." For his new book Mr. Bornstein interviewed 100 social entrepreneurs in a dozen countries and ended up using 8 as case studies: Mr. Drayton and Mr. Schramm, along with those from other countries, like Fábio Rosa, a Brazilian engineer who hit on a strategy to provide cheap electricity to that country's rural farmers. Like Mr. Drayton, Mr. Bornstein cites the rise of citizen organizations around the world as a crucial development: more than a million in India, 12,000 in Slovakia, 400,000 in Brazil. Even in the United States, where there is a strong tradition of such groups, he notes, the number registered with the Internal Revenue Service jumped 60 percent between 1989 and 1998, to 734,000. But such activity, he argues, is merely the backdrop against which social entrepreneurship should be viewed. Many nonprofit groups have incorporated smart business tactics — like having a profit arm — into their daily operations, he points out. (And many business schools emphasize such strategies in their courses.) But this alone does not mean that there is a social entrepreneur at the helm. True social entrepreneurs are "transformative forces," he writes: "People with new ideas to address major problems who are so relentless in the pursuit of their visions that they will not give up until they have spread their ideas everywhere." By that definition such people have always been around. Mr. Bornstein devotes a chapter to Florence Nightingale, whose crusade to introduce hygiene and sanitation standards in Victorian hospitals led to dramatic declines in mortality. And Mr. Drayton cites William Lloyd Garrison, the 19th-century abolitionist leader. But only recently, they argue, have social conditions enabled such innovative "change makers" to succeed in significant numbers. Well into the 18th century, concepts like innovation and competition hardly existed, even in the business sector. Trades were frequently controlled by guilds that forbade competition, governments awarded monopolies and subsidies at whim, and a thicket of regressive laws explicitly discouraged innovation. By 1800, however, the French economist Jean-Baptiste Say, a free-market enthusiast who translated Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations," had designated a new term for the kind of businessman who was reinventing the economy: entrepreneur, whom he defined as someone "who shifts economic resources out of an area of lower and into an area of higher productivity and greater yield." While the business world was being transformed, becoming innovative and competitive, the social sector failed to follow suit. It didn't need to. As Mr. Drayton succinctly put it, "Government made it unnecessary." As long as states were able to take care of social services — like schools, hospitals, public transportation and garbage removal — there were few incentives for private citizens to compete for the tasks. Today, however, that is clearly no longer the case. In democratic societies the welfare net is fraying. And elsewhere in the world, communist and authoritarian regimes have collapsed, giving ordinary citizens the freedom and impetus to make big social changes. It doesn't hurt, Mr. Bornstein adds, that per capita income in free-market countries increased by several hundred percent in the 20th century, allowing more people to opt for careers in lower-paying, nonprofit work. Or that life spans have increased, along with literacy and education rates and access to information. As he puts it, "citizens have become acutely conscious of environmental destruction, entrenched poverty, health catastrophes, human-rights abuses, failing education systems and escalating violence," and more of them "have the freedom, time, wealth, health, exposure, social mobility and confidence" to do something about it. Social entrepreneurship sounds wonderful. Listening to Mr. Drayton, for example, it is easy to feel almost giddy. "This is going at a historic rate of speed that is unprecedented," he insists. "The agricultural revolution took 12,000 years. This has taken two and a half decades." But while welcoming the trend, some experts caution against viewing social entrepreneurship as a panacea. "We see a lot of major successes in social entrepreneurship, and we're seeing more space for it in some societies," said the economist Jeffrey D. Sachs, director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University. "But we cannot simply rely on social entrepreneurship for what the government needs to do. We also have an enormously efficient private sector. We shouldn't dismiss the importance of the profit motive in generating a lot of things we count on as basic to our life. The social sector must work alongside the public and private sectors." |
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Creative Class WarHow the GOP's anti-elitism could ruin America's economy. By Richard Florida |
Last March, I had the opportunity to meet Peter Jackson, director of The Lord of the Rings trilogy, at his film complex in lush, green, otherworldly-looking Wellington, New Zealand. Jackson has done something unlikely in Wellington, an exciting, cosmopolitan city of 900,000, but not one previously considered a world cultural capital. He has built a permanent facility there, perhaps the world's most sophisticated filmmaking complex. He did it in New Zealand concertedly and by design. Jackson, a Wellington native, realized what many American cities discovered during the '90s: Paradigm-busting creative industries could single-handedly change the ways cities flourish and drive dynamic, widespread economic change. It took Jackson and his partners a while to raise the resources, but they purchased an abandoned paint factory that, in a singular example of adaptive reuse, emerged as the studio responsible for the most breathtaking trilogy of films ever made. He realized, he told me, that with the allure of the Rings trilogy, he could attract a diversely creative array of talent from all over the world to New Zealand; the best cinematographers, costume designers, sound technicians, computer graphic artists, model builders, editors, and animators. When I visited, I met dozens of Americans from places like Berkeley and MIT working alongside talented filmmakers from Europe and Asia, the Americans asserting that they were ready to relinquish their citizenship. Many had begun the process of establishing residency in New Zealand. Think about this. In the industry most symbolic of America's international economic and cultural might, film, the greatest single project in recent cinematic history was internationally funded and crafted by the best filmmakers from around the world, but not in Hollywood. When Hollywood produces movies of this magnitude, it creates jobs for directors, actors, and key grips in California. Because of the astounding level of technical innovation which a project of this size requires, in such areas as computer graphics, sound design, and animation, it can also germinate whole new companies and even new industries nationwide, just as George Lucas's Star Wars films fed the development of everything from video games to product tie-in marketing. But the lion's share of benefits from The Lord of the Rings is likely to accrue not to the United States but to New Zealand. Next, with a rather devastating symbolism, Jackson will remake King Kong in Wellington, with a budget running upwards of $150 million. Peter Jackson's power play hasn't been mentioned by any of the current candidates running for president. Yet the loss of U.S. jobs to overseas competitors is shaping up to be one of the defining issues of the 2004 campaign. And for good reason. Voters are seeing not just a decline in manufacturing jobs, but also the outsourcing of hundreds of thousands of white-collar brain jobs--everything from software coders to financial analysts for investment banks. These were supposed to be the "safe" jobs, for which high school guidance counselors steered the children of blue-collar workers into college to avoid their parents' fate. But the loss of some of these jobs is only the most obvious--and not even the most worrying--aspect of a much bigger problem. Other countries are now encroaching more directly and successfully on what has been, for almost two decades, the heartland of our economic success -- the creative economy. Better than any other country in recent years, America has developed new technologies and ideas that spawn new industries and modernize old ones, from the Internet to big-box stores to innovative product designs. And these have proved the principal force behind the U.S. economy's creation of more than 20 million jobs in the creative sector during the 1990s, even as it continued to shed manufacturing, agricultural, and other jobs. We came up with these new technologies and ideas largely because we were able to energize and attract the best and the brightest, not just from our country but also from around the world. Talented, educated immigrants and smart, ambitious young Americans congregated, during the 1980s and 1990s, in and around a dozen U.S. city-regions. These areas became hothouses of innovation, the modern-day equivalents of Renaissance city-states, where scientists, artists, designers, engineers, financiers, marketers, and sundry entrepreneurs fed off each other's knowledge, energy, and capital to make new products, new services, and whole new industries: cutting-edge entertainment in southern California, new financial instruments in New York, computer products in northern California and Austin, satellites and telecommunications in Washington, D.C., software and innovative retail in Seattle, biotechnology in Boston. The economic benefits of these advances soon spread to much of the rest of the country, as Ohio-born MBAs in Raleigh-Durham built credit-card call centers in Iowa, and Indian computer whizzes in Chicago devised inventory software that brought new profitability to car factories in Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee. But now the rest of the world has taken notice of our success and is trying to copy it. The present surge of outsourcing is the first step--or if you will, the first pincer of the claw. The more routinizable aspects of what we consider brainwork--writing computer code, analyzing X-rays--are being lured away by countries like India and Romania, which have lower labor costs and educated workforces large enough to do the job. Though alarming and disruptive, such outsourcing might be manageable if we could substitute a new tier of jobs derived from the new technologies and ideas coming out of our creative centers. But so far in this economic recovery, that hasn't happened. What should really alarm us is that our capacity to so adapt is being eroded by a different kind of competition--the other pincer of the claw--as cities in other developed countries transform themselves into magnets for higher value-added industries. Cities from Sydney to Brussels to Dublin to Vancouver are fast becoming creative-class centers to rival Boston, Seattle, and Austin. They're doing it through a variety of means--from government-subsidized labs to partnerships between top local universities and industry. Most of all, they're luring foreign creative talent, including our own. The result is that the sort of high-end, high-margin creative industries that used to be the United States' province and a crucial source of our prosperity have begun to move overseas. The most advanced cell phones are being made in Salo, Finland, not Chicago. The world's leading airplanes are being designed and built in Toulouse and Hamburg, not Seattle. As other nations become more attractive to mobile immigrant talent, America is becoming less so. A recent study by the National Science Board found that the U.S. government issued 74,000 visas for immigrants to work in science and technology in 2002, down from 166,000 in 2001--an astonishing drop of 55 percent. This is matched by similar, though smaller-scale, declines in other categories of talented immigrants, from finance experts to entertainers. Part of this contraction is derived from what we hope are short-term security concerns--as federal agencies have restricted visas from certain countries after September 11. More disturbingly, we find indications that fewer educated foreigners are choosing to come to the United States. For instance, most of the decline in science and technology immigrants in the National Science Board study was due to a drop in applications. Why would talented foreigners avoid us? In part, because other countries are simply doing a better, more aggressive job of recruiting them. The technology bust also plays a role. There are fewer jobs for computer engineers, and even top foreign scientists who might still have their pick of great cutting-edge research positions are less likely than they were a few years ago to make millions through tech-industry partnerships. But having talked to hundreds of talented professionals in a half dozen countries over the past year, I'm convinced that the biggest reason has to do with the changed political and policy landscape in Washington. In the 1990s, the federal government focused on expanding America's human capital and interconnectedness to the world--crafting international trade agreements, investing in cutting edge R&D, subsidizing higher education and public access to the Internet, and encouraging immigration. But in the last three years, the government's attention and resources have shifted to older sectors of the economy, with tariff protection and subsidies to extractive industries. Meanwhile, Washington has stunned scientists across the world with its disregard for consensus scientific views when those views conflict with the interests of favored sectors (as has been the case with the issue of global climate change). Most of all, in the wake of 9/11, Washington has inspired the fury of the world, especially of its educated classes, with its my-way-or-the-highway foreign policy. In effect, for the first time in our history, we're saying to highly mobile and very finicky global talent, "You don't belong here." Obviously, this shift has come about with the changing of the political guard in Washington, from the internationalist Bill Clinton to the aggressively unilateralist George W. Bush. But its roots go much deeper, to a tectonic change in the country's political-economic demographics. As many have noted, America is becoming more geographically polarized, with the culturally more traditionalist, rural, small-town, and exurban "red" parts of the country increasingly voting Republican, and the culturally more progressive urban and suburban "blue" areas going ever more Democratic. Less noted is the degree to which these lines demarcate a growing economic divide, with "blue" patches representing the talent-laden, immigrant-rich creative centers that have largely propelled economic growth, and the "red" parts representing the economically lagging hinterlands. The migrations that feed creative-center economies are also exacerbating the contrasts. As talented individuals, eager for better career opportunities and more adventurous, diverse lifestyles, move to the innovative cities, the hinterlands become even more culturally conservative. Now, the demographic dynamic which propelled America's creative economy has produced a political dynamic that could choke that economy off. Though none of the candidates for president has quite framed it that way, it's what's really at stake in the 2004 elections. Yankees doodle Roger Pederson is one of the leading researchers in the field of stem cells. But in 2001, he left his position at the University of California, San Francisco, to take up residency at the Centre for Stem Cell Biology Medicine at Cambridge University in the United Kingdom. His departure illustrates how the creative economy is being reshaped--by our competitors growing savvy and by our own cluelessness. Pederson bolted because the British government aggressively recruited him, but also because the Bush administration put heavy restrictions on stem-cell research. "I have a soft spot in my heart for America," he recently told Wired magazine. "But the U.K. is much better for this research.... more working capital." And, he continued, "they haven't made such a political football out of stem cells." Stem cells are vital to the body because of their ability to develop any kind of tissue. Scientists play a similar role in the economy; their discoveries (silicon circuitry, gene splicing) are the source of most big new industries (personal computers, biotechnology). Unfortunately, Roger Pederson's departure may be among the first of many. "Over the last few years, as the conservative movement in the U.S. has become more entrenched, many people I know are looking for better lives in Canada, Europe, and Australia," a noted entymologist at the University of Illinois emailed me recently. "From bloggers and programmers to members of the National Academy I have spoken with, all find the Zeitgeist alien and even threatening. My friend says it is like trying to research and do business in the 21st century in a culture that wants to live in the 19th, empires, bibles and all. There is an E.U. fellowship through the European Molecular Biology Laboratory in Amsterdam that everyone and their mother is trying to get." But the bigger problem isn't that Americans are going elsewhere. It's that for the first time in modern memory, top scientists and intellectuals from elsewhere are choosing not to come here. We are so used to thinking that the world's leading creative minds, like the world's best basketball and baseball players, always want to come to the States, while our people go overseas only if they are second-rate or washed up, that it's hard to imagine it could ever be otherwise. And it's still true that because of our country's size, its dynamism, its many great universities, and large government research budgets, we're the Yankees of science. But like the Yankees, we've been losing some of our best players. And even great teams can go into slumps. The altered flow of talent is already beginning to show signs of crimping the scientific process. "We can't hold scientific meetings here [in the United States] anymore because foreign scientists can't get visas," a top oceanographer at the University of California at San Diego recently told me. The same is true of graduate students, the people who do the legwork of scientific research and are the source of many powerful ideas. The graduate students I have taught at several major universities -- Ohio State, Harvard, MIT, Carnegie Mellon -- have always been among the first to point out the benefits of studying and doing research in the United States. But their impressions have changed dramatically over the past year. They now complain of being hounded by the immigration agencies as potential threats to security, and that America is abandoning its standing as an open society. Many are thinking of leaving for foreign schools, and they tell me that their friends and colleagues back home are no longer interested in coming to the United States for their education but are actively seeking out universities in Canada, Europe, and elsewhere. It would be comforting to think that keeping out the foreigners would mean more places for home-grown talent in our top graduate programs and research faculties. Alas, it doesn't work that way: We have many brilliant young people, but not nearly enough to fill all the crucial slots. Last year, for instance, a vast, critical artificial intelligence project at MIT had to be jettisoned because the university couldn't find enough graduate students who weren't foreigners and who could thus clear new security regulations. Nor is this phenomenon limited to science; other sectors are beginning to suffer. The pop-music magazine Tracks, for instance, recently reported that a growing number of leading world musicians, from South African singer and guitarist Vusi Mahlasela to the Bogota-based electronica collective Sidestepper, have had to cancel their American tours because they were refused visas, while Youssou N'Dour, perhaps the globe's most famous music artist, cancelled his largest-ever U.S. tour last spring to protest the invasion of Iraq. These may seem small signs, but they're not. America's music industry has been, for decades, the world's standard setter. The songs of American artists are heard on radio stations from Caracas to Istanbul; their soundtracks are an integral part of the worldwide appeal of American movies. The profits earned from American music exports help keep America's balance-of-payments deficits from getting too far into the red zone. Yet part of what makes American music so vital is its ability to absorb and incorporate the sounds of other countries--from American hip-hop picking up Caribbean Reggae and Indian Bhangra beats, to hard rock musicians using industrial instrumentation from Germany. For American artists and fans, not being able to see touring foreign bands is the equivalent of the computer industry not getting access to the latest chips: It dulls the competitive edge. Our loss of access to high-level foreign talent hasn't drawn much attention from political leaders and the media, for understandable reasons: We seem to have bigger, more immediate problems, from the war on terrorism to the loss of jobs in the manufacturing, service, and creative sectors to China, India, and Mexico. But just as our obsession with the Soviet Union in the last years of the Cold War caused us to miss the emerging economic challenge of Japan, our eyes may not be on the biggest threat to our economic well-being. For several years now, my colleagues and I have been measuring the underlying factors common to those American cities and regions with the highest level of creative economic growth. The chief factors we've found are: large numbers of talented individuals, a high degree of technological innovation, and a tolerance of diverse lifestyles. Recently my colleague Irene Tinagli of Carnegie Mellon and I have applied the same analysis to northern Europe, and the findings are startling. The playing field is much more level than you might think. Sweden tops the United States on this measure, with Finland, the Netherlands, and Denmark close behind. The United Kingdom and Belgium are also doing well. And most of these countries, especially Ireland, are becoming more creatively competitive at a faster rate than the United States. Though the data are not as perfect at the metropolitan level, other cities are also beating us for fresh new talent, diversity, and brainpower. Vancouver and Toronto are set to take off: Both city-regions have a higher concentration of immigrants than New York, Miami, or Los Angeles. So too are Sydney and Melbourne. As creative centers, they would rank alongside Washington, D.C. and New York City. Many of these places also offer such further inducements as spectacular waterfronts, beautiful countryside, and great outdoor life. They're safe. They're rarely at war. These cities are becoming the global equivalents of Boston or San Francisco, transforming themselves from small, obscure places to creative hotbeds that draw talent from all over--including your city and mine. Catch the waves The sudden stalling of our creative economy threatens to undermine two decades of progress. Twenty years ago, America's economy had hit a crisis point, with record unemployment, stagnant productivity, a rusting industrial base, and an oil crisis that highlighted a dangerous dependence upon raw materials whose supply it could not necessarily guarantee. But underneath the surface, some interesting things were happening. Previous investments in scientific research by both government and industry were yielding new technologies, from inexpensive computer chips to fiber optics. New financial instruments and practices were making capital more available for innovative new ventures. American film, television, and music were finding new export markets. U.S. corporations, spurred by competition from Japan and guided by best-selling books like Tom Peters's In Search of Excellence, were restructuring, pushing decision-making down the chain of command and into the hands of high-initiative line employees. And everywhere, economists and managers were talking about the need for more "human capital"--the buzz phrase meaning educated workers who could think on their feet. Eventually, supply met demand thanks to two great migrations: first, a wave of foreign immigrants, following a loosening of immigration laws in the late 1960s. By the 1980s, more than six million immigrants settled in the United States, the greatest number in half a century. In the 1990s, 12 million more arrived. Most were unskilled and found work in factories, restaurants, and construction. But many came with good schooling and went into our universities and leading industries. Today, 11 percent of foreign-born adults in the United States have a graduate or professional degree, compared to only 9 percent of natives. Most of these educated immigrants originally congregated in a handful of big vibrant cities such as New York, Chicago, San Francisco, and Los Angeles, but many have since moved to smaller hotspots like Tucson, Chapel Hill, and Colorado Springs. Without these immigrants, our high-tech economy would be unthinkable. Intel, Sun Microsystems, Google: All were founded or co-founded by immigrants from places like Russia, India, and Hungary. Nearly a third of all businesses founded in Silicon Valley during the 1990s were started by Chinese- or Indian-born entrepreneurs, according to the detailed statistical research of Annalee Saxenian of the University of California at Berkeley. And thousands upon thousands more constitute the technical core of our high-tech economy. The second great migration was an internal one: Millions of young, energetic and talented Americans from traditional industrial centers, small towns, and rural areas, packed up their Hondas and moved to more-thriving metro areas--generally the same ones that the immigrants came to. These native-born migrants helped to design and then feed the emerging creative industries that during the 1990s would come to define the age. This influx of talent turned America's creative centers into boomtowns. Salaries skyrocketed, followed by housing prices--especially those in the funky inner-city neighborhoods and gracious close-in suburbs favored by the product designers, video editors, hedge-fund analysts, and marketing consultants who made up this emerging new creative class. The rising living costs and go-go lifestyles engendered by the incoming creative class in turn drove out some of the lesser-educated natives, and even many of these creative migrants eventually had their fill and returned to their hometowns. The statistician Robert Cushing has come up with telling evidence of the economic impacts of these reciprocal migrations. Using Internal Revenue Service data, he found that families moving from Austin, a high-tech boomtown, to slower-growth Kansas City in the 1990s earned an average of $25,912 a year. Those going in the other direction, from Kansas City to Austin, earned over $65,000. He found similar disparities between Austin and other older cities: Cleveland, Louisville, Indianapolis, St. Louis, and Pittsburgh. But it's not as if the Clevelands and Kansas Cities didn't advance at all. Most added some jobs thanks to local nodes of creativity, such as university-connected medical centers, or managed not to lose as many jobs in their existing companies as they might have absent the help of innovations--primarily information technology--that the creative centers gave birth to. Average incomes in these places rose more slowly, or in some cases declined, but people's purchasing power generally increased, again thanks to creative-center innovations. Patrons of 7-Elevens in Moberly, Mo., could pick up a Motorola cell phone designed by Chinese-born engineers in suburban Chicago for $30, or order any number of ever-lower-priced goods from Seattle-based Amazon.com (founded by the son of a Cuban immigrant) using ever-cheaper computers purchased at CompUSA, headquartered in Dallas. The big sort These migrations had not only economic consequences but cultural ones. The last 20 years has seen the rise of the "culture wars"--between those who value traditional virtues, and others drawn to new lifestyles and diversity of opinion. In truth, this clash mostly played out among intellectuals of the left and right; as sociologist Alan Wolfe has shown, most Americans manage a subtle balance between the two tendencies. Still, the cleavages exist, roughly paralleling the ideologies of the two political parties. And increasingly in the 1990s, they expressed themselves geographically, as more and more Americans chose to live in places that suited their culture and lifestyle preferences. This movement of people is what the journalist Bill Bishop and I have referred to as the Big Sort, a sifting with enormous political and cultural implications, which has helped to give rise to what political demographer James Gimpel of the University of Maryland calls a "patchwork nation." City by city, neighborhood to neighborhood, Gimpel and others have found, our politics are becoming more concentrated and polarized. We may live in a 50-50 country, but the actual places we live (inner-ring v. outer-ring suburbs, San Francisco v. Fresno) are much more likely to distribute their loyalties 60-40, and getting more lopsided rather than less. These divisions arise not from some master plan but from millions upon millions of individual choices. Individuals are sorting themselves into communities of like-minded people which validate their choices and identities. Gay sales reps buy ramshackle old houses in the city and renovate them; straight, married sales reps purchase newly-built houses with yards on the suburban fringe. Conservative tech geeks move to Dallas, while liberal ones are more likely to go to San Francisco. Young African Americans who can write code find their way to Atlanta or Washington, D.C., while whites with the same education and skills are more likely to migrate to Seattle or Austin. Working-class Southern Californian whites priced out of the real estate market and perhaps feeling overwhelmed by the influx of Mexicans move to suburban Phoenix. More than ever before, those who possess the means move to the city and neighborhood that reinforces their social and cultural view of the world. And while there are no hard and fast rules--some liberals prefer suburbs of modest metro areas with lots of churches and shopping malls, some conservatives like urban neighborhoods with coffee shops--in general, these cultural and lifestyle preferences overlap with political ones (which the political parties have accentuated with computer-assisted redistricting). In 1980, according to Robert Cushing's detailed analysis of the election results, there wasn't a significant difference between how high-tech and low-tech regions voted for president; the difference between the parties still depended upon other factors. By 2000, however, the 21 regions with the largest concentrations of the creative class and the highest-tech economies voted Democratic at rates 17 percent above the national average. Regions with lower levels of creative people and low-tech economies, along with rural America, went Republican. In California, the most Democratic of states, George Bush won the state's 14 low-tech regions and rural areas by 210,000 votes. Al Gore took the 12 high-tech regions and their suburbs by over 1.5 million. Mutual contempt Bill Clinton was, in many ways the midwife of the new creative economy. Present at the birth of the '90s boom, he recognized it quickly for what it was and helped spur it by such projects as wiring poor and middle-class school classrooms around the country for the Internet and beating back Republican efforts to cut immigration. For this, he was beloved not only by creatives, but also by many of those in Red America whom he convinced would benefit from the new economy. But he also personally symbolized the creative-class archetype--its libertine character, its cleverness, its global-mindedness. For this, he drew the lasting enmity of many millions of those in the "other" America. It's often been said that Clinton was the embodiment of the '60s, and one's position for or against him revealed one's attitude towards that era. It's perhaps more precise to say that with his constant hyping of new technologies and "bridge to the twenty-first century" rhetoric, Clinton was the embodiment of what the '60s became--the creative class '90s, hip but pro-growth, open-minded and progressive but ambitious. While Clinton and the Democrats increasingly drew their support from the high-tech parts of the country, the Republicans increasingly came to represent the low-tech areas. Republican leaders like Tom DeLay and Dick Armey were beginning, during the early 1990s, to articulate the cultural and political antagonism Red America felt towards the emerging creative-class culture. But the politician who most skillfully spoke to these grievances was George W. Bush. Clinton's whole life is a testimony to the power of education to change class. Bush prides himself on the idea that his Yale education had no effect on how he sees things. Clinton was a famous world traveler, appreciative of foreign cultures and ideas. Bush, throughout his life, has been indifferent if not hostile to all of that. Clinton, especially in the early years of his administration, had the loose, unstructured management style of an academic department or a dot-com--manic work hours, meetings that went on forever, lots of diffuse power centers, young people running around in casual clothing, and a constant reappraising of plans and strategies. The Bush management style embodies the pre-creative corporate era--formal, hierarchal, with decision-making concentrated in the hands of only the most senior executives. Clinton was happy in Hollywood and vacationed in Martha's Vineyard. Bush can't wait to get back to Crawford. Clinton reveled in the company of writers, artists, scientists, and members of the intellectual elite. Bush has little tolerance for them. Clinton, in his rhetoric and policies, wanted to bring the gifts of the creative class--high technology, a tolerant culture--to the hinterlands. Bush aimed to bring the values and economic priorities of the hinterlands to that ultimate creative center, Washington, D.C. As president, Bush chose a group of senior advisors whose economic backgrounds have a century-old flavor. His vice president is an oil man. His treasury secretary, John Snow, is a railroad man. The White House's economic and fiscal policies have been similarly designed to provide life support for these aging red-state industries: $190 billion in subsidies for farmers; tariffs for steel; subsidies, tax breaks, and regulatory relief for logging, mining, coal, and natural gas. Even Bush's tax policy shows the same old-economy preference. His dividend tax cut was supported by mainstream, blue-chip companies, which stood to gain, but opposed by high-tech executives, whose company stocks seldom pay dividends. Thanks to the GOP takeover of Washington, and the harsh realities of the Big Sort, economically lagging parts of the country now wield ultimate political power, while the creative centers--source of most of America's economic growth--have virtually none. Democrats Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer speak for Silicon Valley and Hollywood. New York's Charles Schumer and Hillary Clinton, also Democrats, represent New York's finance and publishing industries. Washington State, home to Starbucks and Microsoft, has two Democratic senators, Patty Murray and Maria Cantwell. Boston's Route 128 and Washington's high-tech Maryland suburbs are also represented by Democratic senators. It's hard to understate how little influence these senators have with the Bush White House and in the GOP-controlled Congress. The new Ellis Island You don't have to be a Democrat to recognize that the political polarization of America and GOP dominance of Washington are not necessarily good news for America's economic future. Yet it's clear that Democrats themselves don't quite get it. All the current Democratic aspirants to the White House have whacked Bush for undermining our alliances and diplomatic capabilities through his unilateralism. A few, including Sen. John Kerry, have criticized the president as "anti-science." But none seems to have understood--or at least articulated--the disastrous economic consequences of these Know-Nothing views. In the post-1990s global economy, America must aggressively compete with other developed countries for the international talent that can spur new industries and new jobs. By thumbing our nose at the world and dismissing the consensus views of the scientific community, we are scaring off that talent and sending it to our competitors. If there is any candidate who speaks for the creative class right now, it is Howard Dean. His educated, tech-savvy supporters and grass-roots, non-hierarchal campaign structure perfectly represent the creative economy. Yet his economic message has so far focused on luring swing-state unionists--criticizing Bush, for instance, for not extending steel tariffs. America must not only stop making dumb mistakes, like starting trade wars with Europe and China; it must also put in place new policies that enhance our creative economy. Here, too, neither party quite gets it. Most of the Democratic candidates for president have rightly sounded the alarm about rising college-tuition costs and offered ideas to expand college access. That's well and good, but we need to think far, far bigger. Our research universities are immigrant magnets, the Ellis Islands of the 21st century. And, with the demand among our own citizens for elite education far outstripping the supply, we should embark on a massive university building spree, for which we will be paid back many-fold in future economic growth. Building some of these top-flight universities in struggling red-state regions might give their economies a shot at a better future and help bridge the growing political divide. Democrats have understandably seized on the corporate outsourcing of jobs as a campaign issue. But let's get real: Demanding higher labor and environmental standards in trade agreements--the Democrats' favorite fix--is not going to keep software jobs from migrating to Eastern Europe. Our only hope is to strengthen our creative economy so that it produces more jobs to replace the ones we're losing. That will require taking on the Washington lobbyists who put the fix in for established industries at the expense of emerging ones. Millions of new jobs in the wireless networking field, for instance, could be created if unused broadcast spectrum, currently controlled by TV networks and the military, could be freed up. When's the last time you heard a presidential candidate talk about that? It is a sad irony: America's creative economy sparked a demographic shift and a political polarization that now threaten to choke that economy off. What America desperately needs now is political leadership savvy enough to bridge that gap. To his credit, President Bush has made the Republican Party much more immigrant-friendly. But his talk about diversity seems almost entirely pitched to win the working-class Hispanic vote; he seems uninterested, to say the least, in changing other policies that are driving away the high-end immigrants and generally undermining the creative economy. To his credit, Howard Dean has tried to speak to his party of the need to put forth policies that appeal to citizens in both blue and red parts of the country. But as he showed with remarks about reaching out to guys with rebel flags on their pickups, he seems, to say the least, not to have found the language to do so. The challenge for the GOP, if it wants to avoid running the economy into the ground, is to stop sneering at the elites, the better to win votes in their base, and to start paying attention to economic policies that might lift all boats. The challenge for Democrats, if they want to win, is to find ways of reaching out to the rest of the country, to convince at least some of its many regions that policies which operate to the interests of the creative class are in their interests as well. |
Richard Florida is the Heinz professor of economic development at Carnegie Mellon University and the author of The Rise of the Creative Class. < C$> |